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Coalition faces leadership crisis after devastating defeat

The Coalition is reeling from a crushing federal election defeat that has triggered a leadership vacuum, widespread soul-searching, and an urgent need for reinvention. After suffering an historic landslide loss, the party is now sifting through the wreckage of what many insiders are calling one of the most chaotic and miscalculated campaigns in recent memory. Opposition Leader Peter Dutton fronted the media on election night to accept responsibility for the outcome, which saw the loss of several senior Liberal figures and a significant erosion of the party's base. "There are good members, good candidates who have lost their seats or their ambition. And I'm sorry for that," Dutton said in a sombre concession speech. Nationals leader David Littleproud pointed to what he described as a brutal character assassination campaign by Labor, which he claimed rendered Dutton "unelectable in his own electorate and across the country". But political analysts say the problems run much deeper than Dutton’s public image. Nine’s national affairs editor Andrew Probyn argued that the Coalition failed to present a coherent and inspiring vision to voters, despite widespread discontent over cost-of-living pressures. Among the missteps was a proposal to end remote work for public servants – a plan that was swiftly abandoned early in the campaign – and a pledge to cut 41,000 public service jobs. The job-slashing rhetoric drew uncomfortable comparisons to the political style of Donald Trump, a connection reinforced by Senator Jacinta Nampijinpa Price’s controversial “make Australia great again” remark. “Restoring a viable opposition will start with recognising what went wrong,” Probyn said. “And it’ll need a new leader who’s prepared to take the party in a new direction.” Among those tipped to contest the leadership are Angus Taylor, Andrew Hastie, Sussan Ley and Dan Tehan. Former Coalition Minister Christopher Pyne echoed calls for change, urging the party to shift back towards the political centre if it hopes to win back mainstream support. Treasurer Jim Chalmers, fresh from Labor’s emphatic win, said voters had rejected what he termed the Coalition’s “backward-looking pessimism”. Nine political editor Charles Croucher said the result reflected a “seismic shift” in the electorate. “Labor ran a very disciplined campaign, surprised the electorate with tax cuts, and executed brutally effective attacks on Peter Dutton,” he said. Croucher also pointed to external factors that compounded the Coalition’s woes, including the global impact of Donald Trump’s tariffs and the party’s faltering stance on nuclear power. “For the Coalition, the campaign was disastrous,” he said. “Bad plus bad plus bad equals really bad for Peter Dutton.” As the dust settles, the Coalition must not only choose a new leader, but also decide what kind of party it wants to be in a rapidly changing political landscape. Image: ABC News

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Older Australians are also hurting from the housing crisis. Where are the election policies to help them?

<div class="theconversation-article-body"> It would be impossible at this stage in the election campaign to be unaware that housing is a critical, potentially vote-changing, issue. But the suite of policies being proposed by the <a href="https://theconversation.com/how-do-the-coalition-and-labor-plans-on-housing-differ-and-what-have-they-ignored-253337">major parties</a> largely focus on young, first home buyers. What is glaringly noticeable is the lack of measures to improve availability and affordability for older people. Modern older lives are diverse, yet older people have become too easily pigeonholed. No more so than in respect to property, where a perception has flourished that older people own more than their fair share of housing wealth. While the value of housing has no doubt increased, home <a href="https://www.aihw.gov.au/reports/australias-welfare/home-ownership-and-housing-tenure#:%7E:text=The%20home%20ownership%20rate%20of,compared%20with%2036%25%20in%202021.">ownership rates</a> among people reaching retirement age has actually declined since the mid-1990s. Older people can also face <a href="https://www.anglicare.asn.au/research-advocacy/rental-affordability/">rental stress and homelessness</a> – with almost 20,000 <a href="https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/people/housing/estimating-homelessness-census/latest-release">homeless people</a> in Australia aged over 55. Severe housing stress is a key contributing to those homelessness figures. It’s easy to blame older Australians for causing, or exacerbating, the housing crisis. But doing so ignores the fact that right now, our housing system is badly failing many older people too. <h2>No age limits</h2> Owning a home has traditionally provided financial security for retirees, especially ones relying on the age pension. This is so much so, that home ownership is sometimes described as the “fourth pillar” of Australia’s retirement system. But housing has become more expensive – to rent or buy – for everyone. Falling rates of <a href="https://grattan.edu.au/report/money-in-retirement/">home ownership</a> combined with carriage of mortgage debt into retirement, restricted access to shrinking stocks of social housing, and lack of housing affordability in the private rental market have a particular impact on older people. <h2>Housing rethink</h2> Housing policy for older Australians has mostly focused on age-specific options, such as retirement villages and aged care. Taking such a limited view excludes other potential solutions from across the broader housing system that should be considered. Furthermore, not all older people want to live in a retirement village, and fewer than <a href="https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/health/disability/disability-ageing-and-carers-australia-summary-findings/latest-release#:%7E:text=5.5%20million%20Australians%20(21.4%25),a%20profound%20or%20severe%20disability.">5% of older people</a> live in residential aged care. During my <a href="https://www.churchilltrust.com.au/fellow/victoria-cornell-sa-2019/">Churchill Fellowship study</a> exploring alternative, affordable models of housing for older people, I discovered three cultural themes that are stopping us from having a productive conversation about housing for older people. <ul> <li> Australia’s tradition of home ownership undervalues renting and treats housing as a commodity, not a basic need. This disadvantages older renters and those on low income. </li> <li> There’s a stigma regarding welfare in Australia, which influences who is seen as “deserving” and shapes the policy responses. </li> <li> While widely encouraged, “ageing-in-place” means different things to different people. It can include formal facilities or the family home that needs modifications to make it habitable as someone ages. </li> </ul> These themes are firmly entrenched, often driven by policy narratives such as the primacy of home ownership over renting. In the past 50 years or so, many have come to view welfare, such as social housing, as a <a href="https://www.ahuri.edu.au/research/final-reports/390">last resort</a>, and have aimed to age in their family home or move into a “desirable” retirement village. <h2>Variety is key</h2> A more flexible approach could deliver housing for older Australians that is more varied in design, cost and investment models. The promises made so far by political parties to help younger home buyers are welcome. However, the housing system is a complex beast and there is no single quick fix solution. First and foremost, a national housing and homelessness plan is required, which also involves the states and territories. The plan must include explicit consideration of housing options for older people. Funding for housing developments needs to be more flexible in terms of public-private sector investment and direct government assistance that goes beyond first home buyer incentives. <h2>International models</h2> For inspiration, we could look to Denmark, which has developed numerous <a href="https://www.spatialagency.net/database/co-housing">co-housing communities</a>. Co-housing models generally involve self-managing communities where residents have their own private, self-contained home, supported by communal facilities and spaces. They can be developed and designed by the owner or by a social housing provider. They can be age-specific or multi-generational. Funding flexibility, planning and design are key to their success. Institutional investors include <ul> <li> so-called impact investors, who seek social returns and often accept lower financial returns </li> <li> community housing providers </li> <li> member-based organisations, such as mutuals and co-operatives. </li> </ul> Government also plays a part by expediting the development process and providing new pathways to more affordable ownership and rental options. Europe is also leading the way on social housing, where cultural attitudes are different from here. In Vienna, Austria, more than 60% of residents live in 440,000 <a href="https://www.wienerwohnen.at/wiener-gemeindebau/municipal-housing-in-vienna.html">socially provided homes</a>. These homes are available for a person’s entire life, with appropriate age-related modifications permitted if required. At over 20% of the total housing stock, <a href="https://lbf.dk/om-lbf/english-the-danish-social-housing-model/">social housing</a> is also a large sector in Denmark, where the state and municipalities support the construction of non-profit housing. <h2>Overcoming stereotyes</h2> Our population is ageing rapidly, and more older people are now renting or facing housing insecurity. If policymakers continue to ignore their housing needs, even more older people will be at risk of living on the street, and as a result will suffer poor health and social isolation. Overcoming stereotypes - such as the idea that all older people are wealthy homeowners - is key to building fairer, more inclusive solutions. This isn’t just about older Australians. It’s about creating a housing system that works for everyone, at every stage of life.<img style="border: none !important; box-shadow: none !important; margin: 0 !important; max-height: 1px !important; max-width: 1px !important; min-height: 1px !important; min-width: 1px !important; opacity: 0 !important; outline: none !important; padding: 0 !important;" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/255391/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" /> By <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/victoria-cornell-2372746">Victoria Cornell</a>, Research Fellow, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/flinders-university-972">Flinders University</a> This article is republished from <a href="https://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/older-australians-are-also-hurting-from-the-housing-crisis-where-are-the-election-policies-to-help-them-255391">original article</a>. Image: Shutterstock </div>

Money & Banking

Why are political parties allowed to send spam texts? And how can we make them stop?

<div class="theconversation-article-body"> Another election, another wave of unsolicited political texts. Over this campaign, our digital mailboxes have been stuffed with a slew of political appeals and promises, many from the new party Trumpet of Patriots (backed by Clive Palmer, a <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2019-01-11/clive-palmer-united-australia-party-unsolicited-text-messages/10709106">veteran</a> of the mass text campaign). The practice isn’t new, and it’s totally legal under current laws. It’s also non-partisan. Campaigns of all stripes have partaken. Behold, the Liberal Party’s <a href="https://www.sbs.com.au/news/article/liberal-party-defends-sending-text-messages-to-voters-on-asylum-seeker-boat-intercepts/mmqwk5508">last-minute SMS</a> to voters about asylum seekers before the 2022 federal election, or Labor’s controversial “<a href="https://www.smh.com.au/politics/federal/federal-election-2016-shorten-confirms-labor-sent-mediscare-text-20160705-gpzasl.html">Mediscare</a>” text before the 2016 poll. Despite multiple cycles of criticism, these tactics remain a persistent feature of Australian election campaigns. A recent proposal to update decades-old rules could help change things – if a government would put it into practice. <h2>What does the law say about political spam?</h2> Several laws regulate spam and data collection in Australia. First, there is the Spam Act. This legislation requires that organisations obtain our consent before sending us marketing emails, SMSs and instant messages. The unsubscribe links you see at the bottom of spam emails? Those are mandated by the Spam Act. Second, the Do Not Call Register (DNCR) Act. This Act establishes a “do not call” register, managed by the <a href="https://www.acma.gov.au/say-no-to-telemarketers">Australian Communications and Media Authority</a> (ACMA), which individuals can join to opt out of telemarketing calls. Finally, there is the Privacy Act, which governs how organisations collect, use and disclose our personal information. Among other things, the Privacy Act requires that organisations tell us when and why they are collecting our personal information, and the purposes for which they intend to use it. It restricts organisations from re-purposing personal information collected for a particular purpose, unless an exception applies. This trio of laws was designed to offer relief from unsolicited, unwanted direct marketing. It does not, however, stop the deluge of political spam at election time due to broad political exemptions sewn into the legislation decades ago. The Spam Act and DNCR Act apply to marketing for goods and services but not election policies and promises, while the Privacy Act contains a <a href="https://classic.austlii.edu.au/au/journals/UNSWLawJl/2021/21.html#fn13">carve-out</a> for political parties, representatives and their contractors. The upshot is that their campaigns are free to spam and target voters at will. Their only obligation is to disclose who authorised the message. <h2>How do political campaigns get our information?</h2> Secrecy about the nature and extent of campaign data operations, enabled by the exemptions, makes it difficult to pinpoint precisely where a campaign might have obtained your data from. There are, however, a number of ways political campaigns can acquire our information. One source is the electoral roll (though not for phone numbers, as the Australian Electoral Commission <a href="https://x.com/AusElectoralCom/status/1434752533294194692">often points out</a>). Incumbent candidates might build on this with information they obtain through contact with constituents which, thanks to the exemptions, they’re allowed to re-purpose for campaigning at election time. Another source is data brokers – firms which harvest, analyse and sell large quantities of data and profiles. We know the major parties have long maintained voter databases to support their targeting efforts, which have become <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2022-05-19/behind-liberal-labor-data-arms-race-this-election/101074696">increasingly sophisticated</a> over the years. Other outfits might take more haphazard approaches – former MP <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/politics/federal/united-australia-party-leader-craig-kelly-defends-spam-messages-20210829-p58mv7.html">Craig Kelly</a>, for example, claimed to use software to randomly generate numbers for his texting campaign in 2021. <h2>What can be done?</h2> Unwanted campaign texts are not only irritating to some. They can be misleading. This year, there have been <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2025-04-17/monique-ryan-polling-amelia-hamer-trust-fund-kooyong/105185290">reports</a> of “push polling” texts (pseudo surveys meant to persuade rather than gauge voter options) in the marginal seat of Kooyong. The AEC has <a href="https://www.aec.gov.au/media/2025/03-31a.htm">warned</a> about misleading postal vote applications being issued by parties via SMS. <figure class="align-right zoomable"><a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/664617/original/file-20250429-74-yothae.jpg?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/664617/original/file-20250429-74-yothae.jpg?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/664617/original/file-20250429-74-yothae.jpg?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=738&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/664617/original/file-20250429-74-yothae.jpg?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=738&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/664617/original/file-20250429-74-yothae.jpg?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=738&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/664617/original/file-20250429-74-yothae.jpg?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=927&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/664617/original/file-20250429-74-yothae.jpg?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=927&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/664617/original/file-20250429-74-yothae.jpg?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=927&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" alt="Screenshot of a text message from Trumpet of Patriots." /></a><figcaption>This election campaign has seen a flood of texts from Trumpet of Patriots, among others. The Conversation, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/">CC BY-SA</a></figcaption></figure> Generative AI is hastening the ability to produce misleading content, cheaply and at scale, which can be quickly pushed out across an array of online social and instant messaging services. In short, annoying texts are just one visible symptom of a wider vulnerability created by the political exemptions. The basic argument for the political exemptions is to facilitate freedom of political communication, which is protected by the Constitution. As the High Court has said, that freedom is necessary to support informed electoral choice. It does not, however, guarantee speakers a <a href="http://www6.austlii.edu.au/cgi-bin/viewdoc/au/cases/cth/HCA/2019/11.html">captive audience</a>. In 2022, the Attorney-General’s Department <a href="https://www.ag.gov.au/sites/default/files/2023-02/privacy-act-review-report_0.pdf">proposed</a> narrowing the political exemptions, as part of a suite of updates to the Privacy Act. Per the proposal, parties and representatives would need to be more transparent about their data operations, provide voters with an option to unsubscribe from targeted ads, refrain from targeting voters based on “sensitive information”, and handle data in a “fair and reasonable” manner. The changes would be an overdue but welcome step, recognising the <a href="https://bridges.monash.edu/articles/journal_contribution/Conceptualising_Voter_Privacy_in_the_Age_of_Data-Driven_Political_Campaigning/27330276?file=50073381">essential role</a> of voter privacy in a functioning democratic system. Unfortunately, the government has not committed to taking up the proposal. A bipartisan lack of support is likely the biggest obstacle, even as the gap created by the political exemptions widens, and its rationale becomes flimsier, with each election cycle.<img style="border: none !important; box-shadow: none !important; margin: 0 !important; max-height: 1px !important; max-width: 1px !important; min-height: 1px !important; min-width: 1px !important; opacity: 0 !important; outline: none !important; padding: 0 !important;" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/255413/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" /> By <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/tegan-cohen-1331144">Tegan Cohen</a>, Postdoctoral Research Fellow, Digital Media Research Centre, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/queensland-university-of-technology-847">Queensland University of Technology</a> This article is republished from <a href="https://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/why-are-political-parties-allowed-to-send-spam-texts-and-how-can-we-make-them-stop-255413">original article</a>. Image: Shutterstock </div>

Legal

Chaotic ending to final leaders' debate ahead of election

In what historians are already calling The Great Final Showdown (With Bonus Egg Chat), Anthony Albanese has emerged victorious in the fourth and final leaders' debate, with Peter Dutton bravely losing while armed only with a calculator set to 1998 and a deep mistrust of mobile phones. Held six days before the election and hosted by Channel 7 (who have now applied for hazard pay), the debate covered serious national issues like cost of living, housing and why Elon Musk is apparently a Marvel villain. Dutton, swinging from the very first second like a man who accidentally stepped on a plug, declared: "This election is all about who can best manage the Australian economy..." before launching into a heartfelt monologue about crying families, inflation and the distinct lack of cheaper servo pies. Albanese, armed with his Clear Decisive Policies™, clapped back: "Australians have a real choice this Saturday to continue building Australia's future or go back to the past," ... which definitely didn’t sound at all like the slogan of a time-travel movie starring Dutton as a confused tourist in 1973. The real drama came when the leaders tried to guess the price of eggs, which quickly devolved into an episode of The Price is Wrong. Dutton confidently guessed that a half dozen free-range eggs cost "$4.20", missing the mark by about the same distance Pluto misses Earth. Albanese, meanwhile, coolly suggested "$7 if you can find them", proving once again that he’s a man of the people – or at least a man who occasionally braves the horror of the supermarket dairy aisle. Dutton, adopting the highly relatable persona of Uncle Who Complains at BBQs, complained that Welcome to Country ceremonies were "overdone", claiming: "It divides the country." In response, Albanese reminded everyone that Australia shares its continent with "the oldest continuous culture on earth", and managed not to roll his eyes even once, a feat of diplomacy possibly more impressive than anything discussed on foreign policy. Speaking of diplomacy, the two also managed a spirited debate on international relations when Albanese mused: "I'm not sure that he has a mobile phone, the US president, or Joe Biden." ... leading many to wonder if Albanese thinks Biden communicates solely through carrier pigeons or interpretive dance. Not to be outdone, Dutton called Elon Musk an "evil genius", officially making this the first Australian leaders' debate to include a Marvel Cinematic Universe reference. Albanese, playing it safer, described Musk as "Tesla, and a very rich man", thereby demonstrating a deep and comprehensive understanding of modern economics. When it came to energy policy, Dutton insisted that renewable energy was going to "wreck the economy", while Albanese insisted that it was actually already powering "10 million homes". Dutton’s alternative? Nuclear energy, because nothing says "vote for me" like proposing billion-dollar facilities that won't be ready until somewhere around the next ice age. At the end of the night, 60 undecided voters declared Albanese the winner by a margin that was less "narrow victory" and more "rugby team versus toddlers". Albanese took home 50% of the vote, while Dutton earned a modest 25% and the other 25% presumably began Googling "how to move to New Zealand". Whether that final debate will actually change the outcome of the election is unclear. What is clear is that both men left their marks – one as the man who priced eggs like it was still 2005, and the other as the guy who thinks world leaders might communicate exclusively by yelling really loudly across the Pacific Ocean. Images: Network Seven

Who will the next pope be? Here are some top contenders

<div class="theconversation-article-body"> The death of Pope Francis marks the end of a <a href="https://theconversation.com/pope-francis-has-died-aged-88-these-were-his-greatest-reforms-and-controversies-229111">historic papacy</a> and the beginning of a significant transition for the Catholic Church. As the faithful around the world mourn his passing, attention now turns to the next phase: the election of a new pope. This election will take place through a process known as <a href="https://theconversation.com/how-will-a-new-pope-be-chosen-an-expert-explains-the-conclave-250506">the conclave</a>. Typically held two to three weeks after a pope’s funeral, the conclave gathers the College of Cardinals in the Vatican’s Sistine Chapel. Here, through prayer, reflection and secret ballots, they must reach a two-thirds majority to choose the next Bishop of Rome. While, in theory, any baptised Catholic man can be elected, for the past seven centuries the role has gone to a cardinal. That said, the outcome can still be unpredictable – sometimes even surprising the electors themselves. <h2>An unlikely candidate</h2> Cardinal Jorge Mario Bergoglio – who became Pope Francis – wasn’t among the front-runners in 2013. Nonetheless, after five rounds of voting, he emerged as the top candidate. Something similar could happen again. This conclave will take place during a time of tension and change within the church. Francis sought to decentralise Vatican authority, emphasised caring for the poor and the planet, and tried to open dialogue on sensitive issues such as <a href="https://time.com/7267052/pope-francis-impact-on-the-lgbtq-community/">LGBTQIA+ inclusion</a> and <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/abuse-victims-say-they-saw-progress-under-pope-francis-just-not-enough-2025-04-22/">clerical abuse</a>. The cardinals must now decide whether to continue in this direction, or steer towards a more traditional course. There is historical precedent to consider. For centuries, Italians dominated the papacy. Of the 266 popes, 217 have <a href="https://worldpopulationreview.com/country-rankings/popes-by-country">been Italian</a>. However, this pattern has shifted in recent decades: Francis was from Argentina, John Paul II (1978–2005) from Poland, and Benedict XVI (2005–2013) from Germany. <h2>The top papabili</h2> As with any election, observers are speaking of their “favourites”. The term papabile, which in Italian means “pope-able”, or “capable of becoming pope”, is used to describe cardinals who are seen as serious contenders. Among the leading papabili is Cardinal <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pietro_Parolin">Pietro Parolin</a>, aged 70, the current Secretary of State of Vatican City. Parolin has long been one of Francis’ closest collaborators and has led efforts to open dialogue with difficult regimes, <a href="https://catholicweekly.com.au/vatican-diplomat-discusses-china/">including the Chinese Communist Party</a>. Parolin is seen as a centrist figure who could appeal to both reform-minded and more conservative cardinals. Yet some <a href="https://www.politico.eu/article/pope-francis-death-who-succeed-parolin-pizzaballa-tagle-turkson-besungu-burke-spengler-erdo/">observers argue</a> he lacks the charismatic and pastoral presence that helped define Francis’ papacy. Another name to watch is Cardinal <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pierbattista_Pizzaballa">Pierbattista Pizzaballa</a>, the Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem. At 60, he is younger than many of his colleagues, but brings extensive experience in interfaith dialogue in the Middle East. His fluency in Hebrew and his long service in the Holy Land could prove appealing. Then again, his relative youth may cause hesitation among those concerned about electing a pope who could serve for decades. As the papacy of John Paul II demonstrated, such long reigns can have a profound impact on the church. Cardinal <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Luis_Antonio_Tagle">Luis Antonio Tagle</a> of the Philippines is also frequently mentioned. Now 67, Tagle is known for his deep commitment to social justice and the poor. He has spoken out against human rights abuses in his home country and has often echoed Francis’ pastoral tone. But some cardinals may worry that his outspoken political views could complicate the church’s diplomatic efforts. Cardinal <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Peter_Turkson">Peter Turkson</a> of Ghana, now 76, was a prominent figure during the last conclave. A strong voice on environmental and economic justice, he has served under both Benedict XVI and Francis. Turkson has largely upheld the church’s traditional teachings on matters such as male-only priesthood, marriage between a man and a woman, and sexuality. He is also a strong advocate for transparency, and has spoken out against corruption and in defence of human rights. Though less widely known among the public, Cardinal <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mykola_Bychok">Mykola Bychok</a> of Melbourne may also be considered. His election would be as surprising (and perhaps as symbolically powerful) as that of John Paul II in 1978. A Ukrainian-Australian pope, chosen during the ongoing war in Ukraine, would send a strong message about the church’s concern for suffering peoples and global peace. Other names that may come up are Cardinal <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fridolin_Ambongo_Besungu">Fridolin Ambongo Besungu</a> from the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and Cardinal <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jaime_Spengler">Jaime Spengler</a> of Brazil – both of whom lead large and growing Catholic communities. Although news reports don’t always list them among the top contenders, their influence within their regions – and the need to recognise the church’s global demographic shifts – means their voices will matter. On the more conservative side is American Cardinal <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Raymond_Leo_Burke">Raymond Burke</a>, who had been one of Francis’ most vocal critics. But his confrontational stance makes him an unlikely candidate. More plausible would be Cardinal <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/P%C3%A9ter_Erd%C5%91">Péter Erdő</a> of Hungary, aged 71. Erdő is a respected canon lawyer with a more traditional theological orientation. He was mentioned in 2013 and may reemerge as a promising candidate among conservative cardinals. <figure class="align-right zoomable"><a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/663322/original/file-20250423-56-vunzyq.jpg?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/663322/original/file-20250423-56-vunzyq.jpg?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/663322/original/file-20250423-56-vunzyq.jpg?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=792&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/663322/original/file-20250423-56-vunzyq.jpg?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=792&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/663322/original/file-20250423-56-vunzyq.jpg?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=792&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/663322/original/file-20250423-56-vunzyq.jpg?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=996&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/663322/original/file-20250423-56-vunzyq.jpg?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=996&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/663322/original/file-20250423-56-vunzyq.jpg?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=996&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" alt="" /></a><figcaption>Cardinal Péter Erdő was ordained as a priest in 1975 and has a doctorate in theology. He will be a top pick among conservatives. Wikimedia, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/">CC BY-SA</a></figcaption></figure> <h2>One tough act to follow</h2> Although Francis appointed many of the cardinals who will vote in the conclave, that doesn’t mean all of them supported his agenda. Many come from communities with traditional values, and may be drawn to a candidate who emphasises older church teachings. The conclave will also reflect broader questions of geography. The church’s growth has shifted away from Europe, to Asia, Africa and Latin America. A pope from one of these regions could symbolise this change, and speak more directly to the challenges faced by Catholic communities in the Global South. Ultimately, predicting a conclave is impossible. Dynamics often change once the cardinals enter the Sistine Chapel and begin voting. Alliances shift, new names emerge, and consensus may form around someone who was barely discussed beforehand. What is certain is that the next pope will shape the church’s future: doctrinally, diplomatically and pastorally. Whether he chooses to build on Francis’ legacy of reform, or move in a new direction, he will need to balance ancient traditions with the urgent realities of the modern world.<img style="border: none !important; box-shadow: none !important; margin: 0 !important; max-height: 1px !important; max-width: 1px !important; min-height: 1px !important; min-width: 1px !important; opacity: 0 !important; outline: none !important; padding: 0 !important;" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/255006/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" /> <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/darius-von-guttner-sporzynski-112147">Darius von Guttner Sporzynski</a>, Historian, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/australian-catholic-university-747">Australian Catholic University</a> This article is republished from <a href="https://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/who-will-the-next-pope-be-here-are-some-top-contenders-255006">original article</a>. Image: Rawpixel.com </div>

Legal

What would – and should – happen to the ABC under the next federal government?

<div class="theconversation-article-body">Who could possibly argue with the idea that the ABC should be efficiently run and produce excellent programs? No one, you would think. So why, then, has there been immediate resistance to Opposition Leader Peter Dutton’s <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/politics/federal/dutton-tells-abc-to-show-excellence-or-face-funding-razor-gang-20250402-p5lofu.html">statement</a> that, if elected next month, a Coalition government would “reward excellence” and “keep funding in place” if the ABC is “being run efficiently”? The fact that Coalition governments – and Dutton himself – have historically been deeply hostile to the public broadcaster is part of it. Many have picked up on the implicit threat that if his government did not find “excellence”, its funding would be cut. But there’s more than that. For example, who defines “excellence” and “efficiency”? Second, the ABC is set up by statute to be run independent of government. Third, the ABC has been subjected to a slew of efficiency reviews, in 1988, 1997, <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2006-03-15/abc-efficient-under-funded-kpmg-report/8183700">2006</a>, <a href="https://www.infrastructure.gov.au/sites/default/files/ABC_and_SBS_efficiency_report_Redacted.pdf?acsf_files%20_redirect">2014</a> and <a href="https://www.infrastructure.gov.au/sites/default/files/2018-national-broadcasters-efficiency-review-redacted.pdf">2018</a>. Overwhelmingly, they found the ABC does more with fewer resources than its counterparts in the commercial media. For example, in 2006, at the behest of the Coalition government led by John Howard, KPMG found the ABC was a “broadly efficient organisation” providing a “high volume of outputs and quality relative to the level of funding it receives”. Let’s translate the consulting-speak. The ABC’s annual budget of $1.2 billion costs $43 per person in Australia. The cheapest subscription to Netflix costs more than twice that amount - $95.88 – and of course the ABC provides much more than a single streaming service. Fourth, Coalition governments’ record of antipathy towards the ABC is most obvious in how they fund it. <hr /> <iframe id="WOgDZ" class="tc-infographic-datawrapper" style="border: 0;" src="https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/WOgDZ/" width="100%" height="400px" frameborder="0" scrolling="no"></iframe> <hr /> As ABC chair Kim Williams said <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/about/media-centre/speeches-and-articles/abc-chair-kim-williams-am-address-to-the-melbourne-press-club/105132866">last week</a>, in real terms the ABC’s funding is $150 million less than it was in 2013 when the coalition last came to power. This is notwithstanding the current Labor government’s restoring of at least some lost funding. Add to this the fear that Dutton is seeking to emulate Donald Trump. Amid the tempest of economic and social measures the US president has brought in since his inauguration in January, his attacks on public and international broadcasting have passed unnoticed by many. By executive order, Trump has <a href="https://mailchi.mp/poynter/president-trumps-latest-press-target-voice-of-america?e=1e851c3327">abolished Voice of America </a>(VOA), which began during the second world war. VOA has provided news to nearly 50 countries, including those that did not have press freedom. Its broadcasts are by statute meant to be accurate and objective. It has been an arm of soft power diplomacy for the US. Trump has also threatened to defund the public broadcasters, National Public Radio (NPR) and the Public Broadcasting Service (PBS), labelling them “radical left monsters”. The difference between public broadcasting in the US and Australia is that for the former, the government provides only a small percentage of its funding. Most of it comes from donations from citizens, grants from foundations and corporate sponsorship, according to <a href="https://www.forbes.com/sites/antoniopequenoiv/2025/03/27/will-trump-defund-npr-and-pbs-heres-what-we-know-as-president-attacks-the-broadcasters/">a recent report</a> in Forbes. PBS and NPR occupy a smaller part of the overall US media landscape than the ABC and SBS in Australia, but NPR’s reporters in particular have been actively, if dispassionately, reporting on the Trump Mark II administration’s tumultuous first few months. Like the VOA, the ABC’s international broadcasting arm is largely invisible to audiences in its host country. This means any cuts could well pass unnoticed, unlike, say, if the ABC said it could no longer afford to air the children’s TV series, Bluey. Through radio, TV, and now online, the ABC has broadcast to Australia’s neighbours since the second world war, initially as an agent to spread democratic value, but in more recent decades to model effective public interest journalism. The ABC, like the BBC, has a charter of independence. The ABC’s work in the international arena, through Radio Australia and ABC Australia, is vital, not only to bolster national security by providing trusted news and information about Australia and its allies, but by working alongside and supporting local Indo-Pacific news organisations. The Albanese Labor government appears to have understood this threat, providing some extra funding for the international services mostly in response to China’s increased presence in the region, as Alexandra Wake argued in her <a href="https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-3-031-47571-9">2024 book</a> Transnational Broadcasting in the Indo-Pacific. Labor’s funding boost remains inadequate, though, to properly broadcast an Australian voice to the region because, she argued, of increasingly fraught relations between nations, and a complex political and media environment. One of the most pressing priorities now is to extend the Labor government’s Pacific Security and Engagement Initiatives (the original $8 million per year) which is due to end in June 2026. Without this, the ABC will have transmission to the region, but next to no appropriate content. Australia needed to rectify past mistakes by increasing international broadcast funding and protecting that funding from future government cuts. Australia also needed to adopt the long-term thinking that China displayed if it was to counteract China’s strategic ambitions for the region. By closing VOA, Trump and his government efficiency wrecking ball, Elon Musk, have actually left open an opportunity for Australia to lean into the unique strategic advantage granted by Australia’s economic and geographical place in the region. The move to cut US aid supporting journalism extends to smaller outfits such as Benar News Pacific, which recently <a href="https://www.benarnews.org/english/news/philippine/letter-from-editors-benarnews-pauses-operations-04022025104657.html">told its audience</a> it was “pausing operations”. For the past decade, Benar News (and its parent Radio Free Asia) has been reporting across the region on security, politics and human rights. “The US administration has withheld the funding that we rely on to bring our readers and viewers the news from Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, Bangladesh, the Philippines and island-states and territories in the Pacific,” it said in a letter from the editors. Such local news services may be small but are a vital bulwark in the multi-polar world Trump seeks to shape.<img style="border: none !important; box-shadow: none !important; margin: 0 !important; max-height: 1px !important; max-width: 1px !important; min-height: 1px !important; min-width: 1px !important; opacity: 0 !important; outline: none !important; padding: 0 !important;" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/248117/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" /> By <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/matthew-ricketson-3616">Matthew Ricketson</a>, Professor of Communication, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/deakin-university-757">Deakin University</a>; <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/alexandra-wake-7472">Alexandra Wake</a>, Associate Professor, Journalism, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/rmit-university-1063">RMIT University</a>, and <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/michael-ward-421548">Michael Ward</a>, PhD candidate in media and communications, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-sydney-841">University of Sydney</a> This article is republished from <a href="https://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/what-would-and-should-happen-to-the-abc-under-the-next-federal-government-248117">original article</a>. Image: Instagram </div>

Labor’s in with a fighting chance, but must work around an unpopular leader

<div class="theconversation-article-body"> The Albanese government has a fighting chance of winning the 2025 election, but will need to achieve in five weeks of campaigning what it hasn’t in three years in office. That is, work out a narrative explaining what it’s about and that can persuade Australians to back it for a second term. Convincing voters that electing a Peter Dutton-led Coalition government would be risky is the other essential element for a Labor victory – a task made easier by the evident chaos arising from the Trump administration’s recent actions in the US. The main Coalition promises announced ahead of the election being called were to start a nuclear power industry, slash the public service and, without explaining how, cut immigration. These policies are sufficiently Trumpesque in tone to lend some credence to Labor insinuations that Dutton could be a mini-Trump if elected. Attacks on Dutton’s integrity and policy credibility have improved Labor’s position in the run-up to the election. With Prime Minister Anthony Albanese somewhat lifting his performance this year, and getting Dutton slightly off balance, the trend is perceived to be moving Labor’s way. Government insiders hope the 2025 election will mimic the 1998 election, where the incumbent government survived despite losing the two party-preferred vote 48.5% to the opposition’s 51.5%. This paradoxical outcome, which saw the Howard government survive, was because the swing to the Beazley Labor opposition was concentrated in seats the opposition already held, rather than those it needed to win office. There’s little room for complacency, though. A handkerchief-sized set of policies such as Dutton’s did not stop opposition leader John Howard winning the 1996 election. Nor did a campaign built entirely on a three-pronged slogan stop opposition leader Tony Abbott winning the 2013 election. Labor will need to do deliberately what it did on the fly last time, when opposition leader Albanese got COVID during the 2022 campaign. That is, showcase attractive and articulate Labor frontbenchers to glow up, by association, an unloved leader. Both Albanese and Dutton have negative net approval ratings and are a drag on each of their party’s vote. In the <a href="https://theconversation.com/anthony-albanese-gains-in-newspoll-but-the-race-remains-neck-and-neck-251352">latest Newspoll</a> before the election was called, Albanese was on –12% and Dutton on –14%. An aggregate analysis of Newspoll by state and gender, covering the three months in the run up to the election, underlines the problem. Both leaders had double digit net negative approval ratings in every state except Queensland, where Dutton has a positive net rating of 9%. Both leaders have negative net approval ratings by gender, though Albanese’s (men –16%, women –18%) is worse than Dutton’s (men –8%, women –15%). Albanese has been famously indifferent to advice in the government’s first term. He long resisted the urgings of some cabinet colleagues to <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2024-02-27/stage-three-tax-cut-changes-pass-senate/103519338">restructure the stage 3 tax cuts</a> legislated by the Morrison government, for example, until the need for a mid-term political circuit-breaker made him budge. However, the risk of not getting a second term will make the prime minister more open to the advice of senior colleagues, ALP national secretary Paul Erickson, and party elders during the campaign. Albanese’s solution to all problems, as one Labor figure puts it, is to “apply more Albo”. Since voters rate Labor more highly than its leader, however, “more Albo” during the campaign is not the answer. Effective communicators such as Treasurer Jim Chalmers, Environment Minister Tanya Plibersek, Finance Minister Katy Gallagher, Education Minister Jason Clare, Housing Minister Clare O'Neil, Home Affairs Minister Tony Burke and Employment Minister Murray Watt must be showcased. Their job is to embody an implicit promise that inside the Albanese government there’s a better one waiting to break out, and through that to stir voters’ hopes. So if the Albanese government can finally work out its story and get the message out via frontbenchers to whom voters are willing to listen, it could get across concrete promises that make them want to give it another go. What those concrete policy promises are will, of course, be crucially important. Labor has a tremendous challenge ahead. When up against one of the worst governments since Federation – that led by prime minister Scott Morrison – Albanese Labor won with a majority of just two seats in 2022. <figure><iframe src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/BenaVvL8BbE?wmode=transparent&start=0" width="440" height="260" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe></figure> Voters have accorded new governments a second term at every federal poll since Federation, with the exception of the Depression-era 1931 election. But in 2025, this is far from assured. The unusual situation is partly a product of what systems thinkers describe as an “eroding goals” problem. After the loss of the Voice referendum campaign, the government’s leadership quickly conditioned Labor MPs to settle for the likelihood of minority government after the 2025 election. Now that election is here, and there are real fears even this lower hurdle might not be achieved. Having a leader who can do both the substance and theatre of politics is crucial to winning elections. If people don’t want to listen to you, the best government policies and performance can’t be communicated, recognised and rewarded. Having the right people in key portfolios is another. The prime minister prioritised the containment of potential leadership rivals over party and the national interest in some portfolio allocation decisions. This hurt the government’s performance and disappointed voters. Australians have signalled in repeated polls that they believe neither the current Labor prime minister nor the current Coalition alternative prime minister are up to the job. It is striking that the major parties, which claim to listen to voters, disrespect those voters by offering them deeply unpopular choices for prime minister. The spraying of votes to minor parties and independent candidates evident at the 2022 election could well accelerate as a consequence. People and parties often seem to be determined to learn the hard way. Now the election is here, Labor needs to tack around its shortcomings in this term of office and convincingly project there’s better ahead to win.<img style="border: none !important; box-shadow: none !important; margin: 0 !important; max-height: 1px !important; max-width: 1px !important; min-height: 1px !important; min-width: 1px !important; opacity: 0 !important; outline: none !important; padding: 0 !important;" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/248663/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" /> By <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/chris-wallace-314481">Chris Wallace</a>, Professor, School of Politics Economics & Society, Faculty of Business Government & Law, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-canberra-865">University of Canberra</a> This article is republished from <a href="https://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/labors-in-with-a-fighting-chance-but-must-work-around-an-unpopular-leader-248663">original article</a>. Image: Instagram </div>

Legal

Albanese calls May 3 election, with cost of living the central battleground

<div class="theconversation-article-body">Australians will go to the polls on May 3 for an election squarely centred on the cost of living. Prime Minister Anthony Albanese visited Governor-General Sam Mostyn at Yarralumla first thing on Friday morning. Later he told an 8am news conference at parliament house the election choice was “between Labor’s plan to keep building or Peter Dutton’s plan to cut. "Only Labor has the plan to make you better off over the next three years,” he said. “Now is not the time for cutting and wrecking, punching down.” Less than a week after the federal budget and following an earlier delay caused by Cyclone Alfred, the formal campaign starts with government and opposition neck and neck and minority government considered a real possibility. But in recent days, the government has gained more momentum and Labor enters the campaign more confident than at the start of the year. The aggregated January-March quarterly Newspoll had the Coalition leading Labor 51-49%, but Albanese leading Peter Dutton as preferred PM 45% to 40%. A YouGov poll published March 21 had Labor and Coalition on 50-50. Polling only shows a snapshot of the present, and the campaign itself could be crucial to the election result. This is the fourth consecutive election launched off the back of a budget, with both sides this week bidding for voters’ support with big handouts. Labor pushed through legislation for its $17 billion tax cut, the first stage of which comes in mid next year. Opposition leader Peter Dutton in his budget reply promised a 12-month halving of excise on petrol and diesel and a gas reservation scheme. Labor goes <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/elections/federal/2025/guide/pendulum">into the election</a> with 78 seats in the lower house, and the Coalition with 57 (counting the seats of two recent Liberal defectors). The large crossbench includes four Greens and half a dozen “teals”. With a majority being 76 seats in the new 150-seat parliament, the Coalition needs to win 19 seats for an outright majority. This would require a uniform swing of 5.3% (although swings are not uniform). A swing of less than 1% could take Labor into minority. The Coalition would need a swing of about 3.6% to end with more seats than the government. While all states are important if the result is close, Victoria and NSW are regarded as the crucial battlegrounds. If the Coalition won, it would be the first time that a first-term government had been defeated since 1931, during the great depression. Since the end of the second world war, while all first term governments have been reelected, each saw a two-party swing against them. One challenge for Albanese is that he has only a tiny majority, providing little buffer against a swing. The combined vote of the major parties will be something to watch, with the vote steadily declining from 85.47% of the vote just 19 years ago at the 2007 election, to only 68.28% at the 2022 election. Labor won the last election with a two-party vote of 52.13% to the Coalition’s 47.87%. As of December 31 2024, 17,939,818 Australians were enrolled to vote. The start of the formal campaign follows a long “faux” campaign in which both leaders have been travelling the length and breadth of the country non-stop, with the government making a series of major spending announcement but the opposition holding back on policy.<img style="border: none !important; box-shadow: none !important; margin: 0 !important; max-height: 1px !important; max-width: 1px !important; min-height: 1px !important; min-width: 1px !important; opacity: 0 !important; outline: none !important; padding: 0 !important;" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/250774/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" /> <h2>Marginal seats based on the redistribution</h2> <img src="https://oversixtydev.blob.core.windows.net/media/2025/03/Antony-Greens-ABC-Electoral-Pendulum.jpg" alt="" width="1280" height="1535" /> * Seat with a sitting ALP member ** Seat with a sitting Liberal member *** Warringah MP Zali Steggall was elected before the 2022 ‘teals’, but is regarded as one of them. <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/dat/news/elections/federal/2025/guide/FED2025_PostRedistPendulum.pdf" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Antony Green's ABC Electoral Pendulum</a> By <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/michelle-grattan-20316">Michelle Grattan</a>, Professorial Fellow, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-canberra-865">University of Canberra</a> This article is republished from <a href="https://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/albanese-calls-may-3-election-with-cost-of-living-the-central-battleground-250774">original article</a>. Images: <em style="background-color: #ffffff; color: #212529; font-family: -apple-system, 'system-ui', 'Segoe UI', Roboto, 'Helvetica Neue', Arial, sans-serif, 'Apple Color Emoji', 'Segoe UI Emoji', 'Segoe UI Symbol', 'Noto Color Emoji'; font-size: 16px; box-sizing: border-box;">Image credits: LUKAS COCH/EPA-EFE/Shutterstock Editorial <div class="footer-container" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #212529; font-family: -apple-system, 'system-ui', 'Segoe UI', Roboto, 'Helvetica Neue', Arial, sans-serif, 'Apple Color Emoji', 'Segoe UI Emoji', 'Segoe UI Symbol', 'Noto Color Emoji'; font-size: 16px; background-color: #ffffff;"> </div> </div>

Legal

Federal Budget 2025: The short, sharp and – sort of – sweet version

The federal budget is always a massive, jargon-filled beast, but don’t worry – we’ve got your back. Here’s a quick and easy rundown of the key numbers, economic forecasts and big-ticket promises (without making your head spin). Whether it’s tax cuts, energy bill relief, or debt figures that sound like someone’s phone number, this summary gives you the essentials in plain English. THE BIG PICTURE: WHERE THE MONEY’S GOING (AND COMING FROM) Economic Growth: The economy is expected to grow by 1.5% in 2024-25, which isn’t exactly fireworks but at least it’s moving in the right direction. Unemployment Rate: The jobless rate is set to rise to 4.25%, meaning more people might be dusting off their résumés. Inflation: The cost of living squeeze is easing slightly, with inflation forecast to drop to 2.5%, finally giving our wallets a breather. Wages Growth: Paychecks are expected to grow by 3%, so while you won’t be rolling in cash, you might afford an extra coffee per week. Living Standards: Household disposable income is expected to rise a bit faster than planned, so that’s a small win for the grocery bill. Migration: Net overseas migration is slowing down, dropping from 435,000 in 2023-24 to 225,000 by 2026-27, as the government tweaks immigration settings. The Big One: Budget Deficit: The country will be $27.6 billion in the red this year, which sounds bad, but hey, it’s better than some past years. Commonwealth Debt: The nation’s credit card balance will hit $940 billion in 2024-25 before cracking $1 trillion the year after, making it one of the biggest IOUs in Aussie history. Net Debt: The government’s net debt will rise to $556 billion, proving once again that we’re all experts at spending more than we have. WHAT’S IN IT FOR YOU (IF LABOR STAYS IN POWER)? If Labor wins the next election, they’ve got a shopping list of goodies lined up. From tax cuts and cheaper meds to more affordable childcare and a crackdown on dodgy workplace contracts, here’s what they’re promising in order to make life a little easier (or at least a little less expensive). Tax Cuts: Everyone gets a tiny tax break worth about $10 a week, starting in July 2026 – not enough for a holiday, but maybe an extra beer, depending on where you buy your drinks. Energy Bill Relief: Households and small businesses will get $150 off their power bills, because, let’s face it, electricity prices are still a killer. Cheaper Medicines: Prescription drugs will be capped at $25 per script, meaning fewer nasty surprises at the pharmacy checkout. Healthcare Boost: More bulk-billing, 50 new urgent care clinics, and extra funding for nurses and GPs, costing a whopping $9 billion over four years – great news if you hate long waits at the doctor. Childcare Help: Families earning up to $500,000 (yes, you read that right) will get at least three days of subsidised childcare, costing $427 million over five years. First Home Buyer Support: The Help to Buy scheme will get a boost, making it a bit easier for first-home buyers to get into the market (assuming they can still afford avocado toast). Workplace Shake-Up: Banning non-compete clauses for low- and middle-income workers could boost wages by $2,500 a year – so no more weird contracts stopping you from getting a better job. HECS Debt Slash: A 20% cut to student loan debt, wiping $16 billion from the books – a rare win for anyone still haunted by their HECS balance. Disaster Recovery: $1.2 billion is going towards helping communities in southeast Queensland and northern NSW recover from ex-Tropical Cyclone Alfred – because Mother Nature isn’t playing nice. Big Infrastructure Plans: Expect major upgrades like $7.2 billion for Queensland’s Bruce Highway, $2 billion for a new rail hub in Melbourne, and $1 billion for Sydney’s southwest rail corridor – so maybe, just maybe, your commute will be a little less torturous. Defence Spending: A fast-tracked $1 billion investment in guided weapons, submarines and frigates, because apparently, we’re getting serious about military hardware. And that’s the budget in a nutshell! More spending, some relief for households, and a debt number that’ll make your calculator cry. Images: WikiCommons

Money & Banking

"It's time": ABC legend announces retirement

ABC’s chief election analyst Antony Green has announced his plans to step down from the public broadcaster after 30 years in his distinguished role. Green announced that he would be retiring after the next federal election, which is rumoured to take place between March and May 2025. “By the time of the next election, I’ll be 68 and I know I’m not as sharp and quick as I was five years ago,” Green said, according to the ABC. “It gets harder and harder. It’s like a footballer, sometimes they play on a season too long, and I’m making sure I don’t do that.” Green, who has covered more than 90 Australian elections, said it was “time to retire” but he would “stay on” for a couple years “handing over work and doing other things”. “Essentially I’m deciding to retire and work less,” Green said. “I got this job as an election worker 36 years ago and I decided I enjoyed doing it – I’ve done a lot of development since. It’s been a long, fun journey.” Green’s final on-air appearances will be the West Australian state election on March 8th and the federal election, which is yet to be announced. Casey Briggs will step in as ABC’s chief election and data analyst after Green's departure, as she announced he would be missed. “For more than three decades Antony Green has set the bar for election analysis. He is sharp, fast and, even under the immense pressure of the night, manages to keep his sense of humour,” Briggs said. “For me, it has been such a privilege to have had a front-row seat to watch and learn from the master at work." “We will all miss him from our screens, but I’m thankful that at least we get a couple more chances to celebrate his monumental contribution to Australia and its democracy.” ABC journalist Annabel Crabb said covering four federal elections with him had been “one of the great pleasures of (her) professional life”. “What a gift it is to our democracy and to our national broadcaster that in 1989 this wee maths nerd saw the ad in the paper for a research position at the ABC and the late Ian Carroll recognised in him the sprouts of the Tree Of Wisdom he’d become!” Crabb wrote in a social media post. “A legendary figure. A migrant success story. A generous colleague.” Image credits: ABC

Retirement Life

Italian village offers $1 homes to Americans upset by US election results

An Italian village in Sardinia, Italy is offering one-euro homes to Americans seeking a new start following the results of the 2024 U.S election that saw Donald Trump being re-elected as president. Ollolai has long been trying to persuade outsiders to move in to revive the community after decades of depopulation. Now, it's selling dilapidated houses for as little as one euro — just over a US dollar or $AU1.60 — to entice Americans to move abroad. Following the November 5 outcome, they have launched a website aimed at potential American expats, offering cheap homes in hopes that those disappointed by the result and seeking a fresh start will snap up one of their empty properties. "Are you worned (sic) out by global politics? Looking to embrace a more balanced lifestyle while securing new opportunities?" the website read. "It's time to start building your European escape in the stunning paradise of Sardinia." Mayor Francesco Columbu told CNN that the website was specifically created to attract American voters in the wake of the presidential elections. The mayor loves the United States and is convinced Americans would be the best people to revive the community. "We just really want, and will focus on, Americans above all," he said. "We can't of course ban people from other countries to apply, but Americans will have a fast-track procedure. We are betting on them to help us revive the village, they are our winning card." The village is offering three tiers of accommodation: Free temporary homes to certain digital nomads, ($1.6) homes in need of renovations, and ready-to-occupy houses for prices up to $160,000. The mayor also set up a special team to guide interested buyers through every step of the process including finding contractors, builders and navigating required paperwork. "Of course, we can't specifically mention the name of one US president who just got elected, but we all know that he's the one from whom many Americans want to get away from now and leave the country," Columbo added. "We have specifically created this website now to meet US post-elections relocation needs. The first edition of our digital nomad scheme which launched last year was already solely for Americans." Photos and plans of available empty properties will soon be uploaded to the website. The website has since received nearly 38,000 requests for information on houses, with most of them coming from the United States In the past century, Ollolai's population has shrunk from 2,250 to 1,300 with only a handful of babies born each year. Over the last few years, this has dropped 1,150 residents. Image: Shutterstock

International Travel

"You made me enjoy the game": Federer's emotional retirement letter to Nadal

Roger Federer has penned an emotional tribute to Rafael Nadal ahead of his retirement, reflecting on their stellar careers together. Nadal’s career officially came to an end when Spain was defeated 2-1 by the Netherlands in the Davis Cup quarter-final in Malaga on Wednesday morning, with Nadal in tears as he stepped onto the court for the final time. Thousands of tributes poured in for Nadal as his retirement officially began, but Federer's tribute quickly went viral for his emotional words. “As you get ready to graduate from tennis, I’ve got a few things to share before I maybe get emotional,” Federer said. “Let’s start with the obvious: you beat me - a lot. More than I managed to beat you. You challenged me in ways no one else could. On clay, it felt like I was stepping into your backyard, and you made me work harder than I ever thought I could just to hold my ground." “You made me reimagine my game - even going so far as to change the size of my racquet head, hoping for any edge. I’m not a very superstitious person, but you took it to the next level. Your whole process. All those rituals." “Assembling your water bottles like toy soldiers in formation, fixing your hair, adjusting your underwear … All of it with the highest intensity. Secretly, I kind of loved the whole thing. Because it was so unique - it was so you." “And you know what, Rafa, you made me enjoy the game even more. OK, maybe not at first. After the 2004 Australian Open, I achieved the No. 1 ranking for the first time. I thought I was on top of the world. And I was - until two months later, when you walked on the court in Miami in your red sleeveless shirt, showing off those biceps, and you beat me convincingly." "All that buzz I’d been hearing about you - about this amazing young player from Mallorca, a generational talent, probably going to win a major someday - it wasn’t just hype." “We were both at the start of our journey and it’s one we ended up taking together. Twenty years later, Rafa, I have to say: What an incredible run you’ve had. Including 14 French Opens - historic! You made Spain proud … you made the whole tennis world proud." “And then there was London – the Laver Cup in 2022. My final match. It meant everything to me that you were there by my side – not as my rival but as my doubles partner." “Sharing the court with you that night, and sharing those tears, will forever be one of the most special moments of my career.” Federer signed off the 585-word tribute from “your fan Roger”. Image credits: ANDY RAIN/EPA-EFE/Shutterstock Editorial

Retirement Life

How should Australian media cover the next federal election? Lessons from the US presidential race

<div class="theconversation-article-body"><a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/denis-muller-1865">Denis Muller</a>, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/the-university-of-melbourne-722">The University of Melbourne</a> Media coverage in Australia of the US presidential election and of the Voice referendum in October 2023 offer some pointers to what we might expect during next year’s federal election campaign. They also suggest some ways in which the professional mass media might better respond to the challenges thrown up by the combination of disinformation, harmful speech and hyper-partisanship that disfigured those two campaigns. The ideological contours of the Australian professional media, in particular its newspapers, have become delineated with increasing clarity over the past 15 years. In part this is a response to the polarising effects of social media, and in part it is a reflection of the increased stridency of political debate. The right is dominated by News Corporation, with commercial radio shock jocks playing a supporting role. The left is more diffuse and less given to propagandising. It includes the old Fairfax papers, The Age and The Sydney Morning Herald, now owned by the Nine Entertainment Company, and Guardian Australia. These contours are unlikely to change much, if at all, between now and the 2025 election. <h2>Impartiality versus ‘bothsidesism’</h2> Under these conditions, how might Australian journalism practice be adapted to better serve democracy under the pressures of an election campaign? The objective would be to contribute to the creation of a political culture in which people can argue constructively, disagree respectfully and work towards consensus. In pursuing that objective, a central issue is whether and how the media are committed to the principle of impartiality in news reports. This principle is under sustained pressure, as was seen in both the presidential election and the Voice referendum. We know from the words of its own editorial code of conduct that News Corp Australia does not accept the principle of impartiality in news reports. Paragraph 1.3 of that code states: <blockquote> Publications should ensure factual material in news reports is distinguishable from other material such as commentary and opinion. Comment, conjecture and opinion are acceptable as part of coverage to provide perspective on an issue, or explain the significance of an issue, or to allow readers to recognise what the publication’s or author’s standpoint is on a matter. </blockquote> This policy authorises journalists to write their news reports in ways that promote the newspaper’s or the journalist’s own views. This runs directly counter to the conventional separation of news from opinion accepted by most major media companies. This is exemplified by <a href="https://uploads.guim.co.uk/2023/07/27/GNM_editorial_code_of_practice_and_guidance_2023.pdf">the policy</a> of The Guardian, including Guardian Australia: <blockquote> While free to editorialise and campaign, a publication must distinguish clearly between comment, conjecture and fact. </blockquote> Appended to The Guardian’s code is the essay written in 1921 by C. P. Scott, first the editor and then the owner-editor of the Manchester Guardian, to mark the newspaper’s centenary. It includes these words: “Comment is free, but facts are sacred”. Referring to a newspaper’s public duty, he added: “Propaganda […] is hateful.” In the present overheated atmosphere of public debate, impartiality has come to be confused with a discredited type of journalism known as “bothsidesism”. “Bothsidesism” presents “both sides” of an issue without any regard for their relative evidentiary merits. It allows for the ventilation of lies, hate speech and conspiracy theories on the spurious ground that these represent another, equally valid, side of the story. Impartiality is emphatically not “bothsidesism”. What particularly distinguishes impartiality is that it follows the weight of evidence. However, a recurring problem in the current environment is that the fair and sober presentation of evidence can be obliterated by the force of political rhetoric. As a result, impartiality can fall victim to its own detached passivity. Yet impartiality does not have to be passive: it can be proactive. During the presidential campaign, in the face of Trump’s egregious lying, some media organisations took this proactive approach. When Trump claimed during his televised debate with Kamala Harris that Haitian immigrants were eating people’s pets in the town of Springfield, Ohio, the host broadcaster, the American Broadcasting Company, fact-checked him in real time. It found, during the broadcast, that there was no evidence to support his claim. <figure><iframe src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/nlCe8iOCJlQ?wmode=transparent&start=0" width="440" height="260" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe></figure> And for four years before that, The Washington Post <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2021/01/24/trumps-false-or-misleading-claims-total-30573-over-four-years/">chronicled</a> Trump’s lies while in office, arriving at a total of 30,573. <h2>Challenging misinformation</h2> During the Voice referendum, many lies were told about what the Voice to Parliament would be empowered to do: advise on the date of Anzac Day, change the flag, set interest rates, and introduce a race-based element into the Constitution, advantaging Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people over others. These were rebutted by the relevant authorities but by then the lies had been swept up in the daily tide of mis- or disinformation that was a feature of the campaign. At that point, rebuttals merely oxygenate the original falsehoods. More damaging still to the democratic process was the baseless allegation by Opposition Leader Peter Dutton that the Australian Electoral Commission had “rigged” the vote by accepting a tick as indicating “yes” but not accepting a cross as indicating “no”. <figure><iframe src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/Y_4H1IQID_M?wmode=transparent&start=0" width="440" height="260" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe></figure> Opposition Senate leader, Simon Birmingham, also said allowing ticks but not crosses undermined the integrity of the process. The electoral commissioner, Tom Rogers, was reported as repudiating these claims, but by then these lies had acquired currency and momentum. A proactive approach to impartiality requires establishing the truthful position before or at the time of initial publication, then calling out falsehoods for what they are and providing supporting evidence. Neither the principle of impartiality nor any other ethical principle in journalism requires journalists to publish lies as if they might be true. It would not have been a failure of impartiality to say in a news report that Dutton’s claims about a rigged referendum were baseless, with the supporting evidence. That evidence, set out in an <a href="https://antonygreen.com.au/how-many-voters-mark-referendum-ballot-papers-with-a-cross-not-many-based-on-evidence/">excellent example</a> of proactive impartiality by the ABC’s election analyst Antony Green at the time, was that the ticks and crosses rule had been in place since 1988. <h2>‘Proactive impartiality’ is the key to reporting the 2025 election</h2> The question is, do Australia’s main media organisations as a whole have the resources and the will to invest in real-time fact-checking? The record is not encouraging. In March 2024, the ABC dissolved its fact-checking arrangement with RMIT University, replacing it with an in-house fact-checking unit called ABC News Verify. In 2023, a team led by Andrea Carson of La Trobe University published a <a href="https://ijoc.org/index.php/ijoc/article/view/21078">study</a> tracking the fate of fact-checking operations in Australia. Its findings were summarised by her in The Conversation. In the absence of a fact-checking capability, it is hard to see how journalists can perform the kind of proactive impartiality that current circumstances demand. On top of that, the shift from advertising-based mass media to subscription-based niche media is creating its own logic, which is antithetical to impartiality. Mass-directed advertising was generally aimed at as broad an audience as possible. It encouraged impartiality in the accompanying editorial content as part of an appeal to the broad middle of society. Since a lot of this advertising has gone online, the media have begun to rely increasingly on subscriptions. In a hyper-partisan world, ideological branding, or alternatively freedom from ideological branding, has become part of the sales pitch. Where subscribers do expect to find ideological comfort, readership and ratings are at put risk when their expectations are disappointed. Rupert Murdoch <a href="https://apnews.com/article/fox-news-dominion-lawsuit-trial-trump-2020-0ac71f75acfacc52ea80b3e747fb0afe">learned this</a> when his Fox News channel in the US called the 2020 election for Joe Biden, driving down ratings and causing him to reverse that position in order to claw back the losses. These are unpalatable developments for those who believe that fair, accurate news reporting untainted by the ideological preferences of proprietors or journalists is a vital ingredient in making a healthy democracy work. But that is the world we live in as we approach the federal election of 2025.<img style="border: none !important; box-shadow: none !important; margin: 0 !important; max-height: 1px !important; max-width: 1px !important; min-height: 1px !important; min-width: 1px !important; opacity: 0 !important; outline: none !important; padding: 0 !important;" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/243267/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" /> <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/denis-muller-1865">Denis Muller</a>, Senior Research Fellow, Centre for Advancing Journalism, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/the-university-of-melbourne-722">The University of Melbourne</a> Image credits: DEAN LEWINS/EPA-EFE/Shutterstock Editorial - LUKAS COCH/EPA-EFE/Shutterstock Editorial This article is republished from <a href="https://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/how-should-australian-media-cover-the-next-federal-election-lessons-from-the-us-presidential-race-243267">original article</a>. </div>

Legal

World reacts as Donald Trump wins US election

World leaders, celebrities and millions of Americans have shared their first reactions and messages of support - or messages of anger, upset and frustration - as Donald Trump claimed his victory in the US election. The Republican leader won both the electoral college vote and the popular vote, taking a hold of the majority of key swing states, as his victory just hours after the polls closed. The win will see Trump re-enter the White House in January as the 47th President, making him the only president to serve two non-consecutive terms in office. Reactions to the unprecedented win flooded online spaces, with world leaders sending their congratulations. Prime Minister Anthony Albanese said the election of the US president marked an important moment for Australia and the Asia Pacific region, and vowed to work closely with the Trump administration. “Australia and America are old allies and we are true friends,” he said. “Our nations are bound by a history of shared sacrifice, a commitment to common values and — above all — enduring respect and affection between our peoples." “I look forward to talking with President Trump and working with him in the best interests of both our nations.” Opposition Leader Peter Dutton also extended his congratulations to the Republican leader on behalf of the federal Coalition, describing the US as an “overwhelming force for good”. Unsurprisingly, Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was among the first to speak to Trump, writing on X, “Congratulations on history’s greatest comeback!” “Your historic return to the White House offers a new beginning for America and a powerful recommitment to the great alliance between Israel and America. This is a huge victory! In true friendship.” Elon Musk, petulant billionaire and owner of Twitter, also shared a series of memes on X, after he publicly endorsed Trump throughout his campaign. Among the posts is an image of Musk holding a bathroom sink photoshopped into the Oval Office with the caption "Let that sink in", a reference to how he marked his controversial takeover of X when it was still known as Twitter. Musk also shared a photo of a conversation he was having with Trump as votes were being counted. "The future is gonna be so [fire]," Musk said with American flag emojis. "The future is gonna be fantastic," he said in a follow up post with a photo of his recent SpaceX rocket test that Trump discussed at length, for some reason, in his declaration speech. Despite the messages of well wishes from world leaders, social media has been awash with messages of disbelief and anger since the victory was announced, with many American citizens anxious and scared about the next four years under Trump's controversial <a href="https://www.project2025.org" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Project 2025</a>, which will see mass deportations of immigrants, more tax cuts to the rich, harsher penalties for those seeking abortions or reproductive care, and unprecedented power in the hands of a President with authoritarian aspirations. Image credits: Brian Prahl/Shutterstock

News

"Absolute honour": Federer's stirring words as Nadal hangs up his racquet

Roger Federer and Novak Djokovic have led a wave of tributes after Rafael Nadal announced he would be retiring from playing professional tennis. Nadal announced the news in an emotional Instagram video, where he thanked his family, team, friends and loyal fans for their support, while announcing that the David Cup Finals in November would be his last competition. In his video, the Spanish tennis champion also thanked his "greatest rivals" for giving him fierce competition throughout his stellar career. <blockquote class="instagram-media" style="background: #FFF; border: 0; border-radius: 3px; box-shadow: 0 0 1px 0 rgba(0,0,0,0.5),0 1px 10px 0 rgba(0,0,0,0.15); margin: 1px; max-width: 540px; min-width: 326px; padding: 0; width: calc(100% - 2px);" data-instgrm-permalink="https://www.instagram.com/reel/DA8EpTsg3iV/?utm_source=ig_embed&utm_campaign=loading" data-instgrm-version="14"> <div style="padding: 16px;"> <div style="display: flex; flex-direction: row; align-items: center;"> <div style="background-color: #f4f4f4; border-radius: 50%; flex-grow: 0; height: 40px; margin-right: 14px; width: 40px;"> </div> <div style="display: flex; flex-direction: column; flex-grow: 1; justify-content: center;"> <div style="background-color: #f4f4f4; border-radius: 4px; flex-grow: 0; height: 14px; margin-bottom: 6px; width: 100px;"> </div> <div style="background-color: #f4f4f4; border-radius: 4px; flex-grow: 0; height: 14px; width: 60px;"> </div> </div> </div> <div style="padding: 19% 0;"> </div> <div style="display: block; height: 50px; margin: 0 auto 12px; width: 50px;"> </div> <div style="padding-top: 8px;"> <div style="color: #3897f0; font-family: Arial,sans-serif; font-size: 14px; font-style: normal; font-weight: 550; line-height: 18px;">View this post on Instagram</div> </div> <div style="padding: 12.5% 0;"> </div> <div style="display: flex; flex-direction: row; margin-bottom: 14px; align-items: center;"> <div> <div style="background-color: #f4f4f4; border-radius: 50%; height: 12.5px; width: 12.5px; transform: translateX(0px) translateY(7px);"> </div> <div style="background-color: #f4f4f4; height: 12.5px; transform: rotate(-45deg) translateX(3px) translateY(1px); width: 12.5px; flex-grow: 0; margin-right: 14px; margin-left: 2px;"> </div> <div style="background-color: #f4f4f4; border-radius: 50%; height: 12.5px; width: 12.5px; transform: translateX(9px) translateY(-18px);"> </div> </div> <div style="margin-left: 8px;"> <div style="background-color: #f4f4f4; border-radius: 50%; flex-grow: 0; height: 20px; width: 20px;"> </div> <div style="width: 0; height: 0; border-top: 2px solid transparent; border-left: 6px solid #f4f4f4; border-bottom: 2px solid transparent; transform: translateX(16px) translateY(-4px) rotate(30deg);"> </div> </div> <div style="margin-left: auto;"> <div style="width: 0px; border-top: 8px solid #F4F4F4; border-right: 8px solid transparent; transform: translateY(16px);"> </div> <div style="background-color: #f4f4f4; flex-grow: 0; height: 12px; width: 16px; transform: translateY(-4px);"> </div> <div style="width: 0; height: 0; border-top: 8px solid #F4F4F4; border-left: 8px solid transparent; transform: translateY(-4px) translateX(8px);"> </div> </div> </div> <div style="display: flex; flex-direction: column; flex-grow: 1; justify-content: center; margin-bottom: 24px;"> <div style="background-color: #f4f4f4; border-radius: 4px; flex-grow: 0; height: 14px; margin-bottom: 6px; width: 224px;"> </div> <div style="background-color: #f4f4f4; border-radius: 4px; flex-grow: 0; height: 14px; width: 144px;"> </div> </div> <p style="color: #c9c8cd; font-family: Arial,sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 17px; margin-bottom: 0; margin-top: 8px; overflow: hidden; padding: 8px 0 7px; text-align: center; text-overflow: ellipsis; white-space: nowrap;"><a style="color: #c9c8cd; font-family: Arial,sans-serif; font-size: 14px; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: 17px; text-decoration: none;" href="https://www.instagram.com/reel/DA8EpTsg3iV/?utm_source=ig_embed&utm_campaign=loading" target="_blank" rel="noopener">A post shared by Rafa Nadal (@rafaelnadal)</a> </div> </blockquote> Those great rivals were the first to honour Nadal after his shock announcement, with Roger Federer sharing a photo of their pair sitting side by side, both in tears, as the Swiss great announced his own retirement two years ago. He wrote, “What a career, Rafa! I always hoped this day would never come. Thank you for the unforgettable memories and all your incredible achievements in the game we love. It’s been an absolute honour.” Novak Djokovic also shared a message for Nadal, posting a photo collage of their friendship behind the scenes. “Rafa, one post is not enough to express the respect I have for you and what you have done for our sport,” the 24-time Grand Slam title winner wrote. “You have inspired millions of children to start playing tennis and I think that’s probably the greatest achievement anyone can wish for. Your tenacity, dedication, fighting spirit is going to be taught for decades. Your legacy will live forever." “Only you know what you had to endure to become an icon of tennis and sport in general. Thank you for pushing me to the limit so many times in our rivalry.” Image credits: Daniel Irungu/EPA-EFE/Shutterstock Editorial

Retirement Life

Trump's insult to Biden after he drops out of presidential race

Joe Biden has officially withdrawn from the presidential race against former president Donald Trump. Biden, who is the oldest US president at 81, has been facing mounting calls to drop out of the election from both his opponents and supporters, amid fears of his failing health, mental clarity and age. On Sunday, the 46th president shared a lengthy statement to share that he would be dropping out of the race, saying it is "in the best interest" for both his Democratic Party and the country to take a step back. “While it has been my intention to seek re-election, I believe it is in the best interest of my party and the country for me to stand down and to focus solely on fulfilling my duties as President for the remainder of my term,” Mr Biden wrote in a letter he posted on his X account. “I will speak to the Nation later this week in more detail about my decision. It has been the greatest honour of my life to serve as your President.” Biden shared a second announcement to social media following his bombshell withdrawal, saying he would be endorsing his Vice President Kamala Harris as the Democratic nominee to run for President in the November election against Trump. "My very first decision as the party nominee in 2020 was to pick Kamala Harris as my Vice President, and it’s been the best decision I’ve made," he began. "Today I want to offer my full support and endorsement for Kamala to be the nominee of our party this year. Democrats — it’s time to come together and beat Trump. Let’s do this." Mere hours after Biden's announcement, former President Donald Trump reacted to the news on TRUTH social, his own social media platform, exactly as many expected. “Crooked Joe Biden was not fit to run for President, and is certainly not fit to serve — And never was!” Trump said. “All those around him, including his doctor and the media, knew that he wasn’t capable of being President, and he wasn’t. We will suffer greatly because of his presidency, but we will remedy the damage he has done very quickly.” In a phone call with CNN minutes after Biden announced his exit from the 2024 race, former Trump described Biden as going “down as the single worst president by far in the history of our country”. Mr Biden will remain President until the end of his term next January. Image credits: Bonnie Cash / Pool via CNP/ Ron Sachs/CNP /Shutterstock Editorial

News

"Best speech ever": Roger Federer's hilarious address to graduates

Roger Federer has gone viral for all the right reasons after giving a hilarious and inspirational speech to a group of graduates. The Swiss tennis legend addressed the 2024 graduating class at prestigious Ivy League university Dartmouth, where he was awarded an honorary Doctor of Humane Letters for his charity and philanthropic pursuits since retiring from tennis in 2022. The 25-minute speech has been widely dubbed as "the best speech ever" online, as he quipped about the highlights of his illustrious career while sharing sage advice for the new grads. “Hello class of 2024, this is so exciting,” Federer began while wearing a college gown. “I’m so excited to join you today, really you have know idea how excited I am. Keep in mind this is literally only the second time I’ve ever set foot on a college campus. But for some reason you are giving me a doctorate degree." “I just came here to give a speech, but I get to go home as 'Dr Roger'. That’s a pretty nice bonus, 'Dr Roger' just has to be my most unexpected victory ever. Thank you.” After stating he will “try my best not to choke”, Federer went on to give a hilarious and heartwarming speech, complete with a number of life lessons. The 42-year-old shared that he left school at 16 and never went to college, but had recently “graduated tennis” with his retirement making international headlines. “I know the word is ‘retire’,” he said. “‘Roger Federer retired from tennis’. Retired. The word is awful." “You wouldn’t say you ‘retired’ from college, right? Sounds terrible. Like you, I’ve finished one big thing and I’m moving on to the next. Like you, I’m figuring out what that is." “Graduates, I feel your pain. I know what it’s like when people keep asking what your plan is for the rest of your life. They ask me ‘now that you are not a professional tennis player, what do you do?’ I don’t know and it’s OK not to know.” <blockquote class="instagram-media" style="background: #FFF; border: 0; border-radius: 3px; box-shadow: 0 0 1px 0 rgba(0,0,0,0.5),0 1px 10px 0 rgba(0,0,0,0.15); margin: 1px; max-width: 540px; min-width: 326px; padding: 0; width: calc(100% - 2px);" data-instgrm-permalink="https://www.instagram.com/reel/C8FaLe5NGlt/?utm_source=ig_embed&utm_campaign=loading" data-instgrm-version="14"> <div style="padding: 16px;"> <div style="display: flex; flex-direction: row; align-items: center;"> <div style="background-color: #f4f4f4; border-radius: 50%; flex-grow: 0; height: 40px; margin-right: 14px; width: 40px;"> </div> <div style="display: flex; flex-direction: column; flex-grow: 1; justify-content: center;"> <div style="background-color: #f4f4f4; border-radius: 4px; flex-grow: 0; height: 14px; margin-bottom: 6px; width: 100px;"> </div> <div style="background-color: #f4f4f4; border-radius: 4px; flex-grow: 0; height: 14px; width: 60px;"> </div> </div> </div> <div style="padding: 19% 0;"> </div> <div style="display: block; height: 50px; margin: 0 auto 12px; width: 50px;"> </div> <div style="padding-top: 8px;"> <div style="color: #3897f0; font-family: Arial,sans-serif; font-size: 14px; font-style: normal; font-weight: 550; line-height: 18px;">View this post on Instagram</div> </div> <div style="padding: 12.5% 0;"> </div> <div style="display: flex; flex-direction: row; margin-bottom: 14px; align-items: center;"> <div> <div style="background-color: #f4f4f4; border-radius: 50%; height: 12.5px; width: 12.5px; transform: translateX(0px) translateY(7px);"> </div> <div style="background-color: #f4f4f4; height: 12.5px; transform: rotate(-45deg) translateX(3px) translateY(1px); width: 12.5px; flex-grow: 0; margin-right: 14px; margin-left: 2px;"> </div> <div style="background-color: #f4f4f4; border-radius: 50%; height: 12.5px; width: 12.5px; transform: translateX(9px) translateY(-18px);"> </div> </div> <div style="margin-left: 8px;"> <div style="background-color: #f4f4f4; border-radius: 50%; flex-grow: 0; height: 20px; width: 20px;"> </div> <div style="width: 0; height: 0; border-top: 2px solid transparent; border-left: 6px solid #f4f4f4; border-bottom: 2px solid transparent; transform: translateX(16px) translateY(-4px) rotate(30deg);"> </div> </div> <div style="margin-left: auto;"> <div style="width: 0px; border-top: 8px solid #F4F4F4; border-right: 8px solid transparent; transform: translateY(16px);"> </div> <div style="background-color: #f4f4f4; flex-grow: 0; height: 12px; width: 16px; transform: translateY(-4px);"> </div> <div style="width: 0; height: 0; border-top: 8px solid #F4F4F4; border-left: 8px solid transparent; transform: translateY(-4px) translateX(8px);"> </div> </div> </div> <div style="display: flex; flex-direction: column; flex-grow: 1; justify-content: center; margin-bottom: 24px;"> <div style="background-color: #f4f4f4; border-radius: 4px; flex-grow: 0; height: 14px; margin-bottom: 6px; width: 224px;"> </div> <div style="background-color: #f4f4f4; border-radius: 4px; flex-grow: 0; height: 14px; width: 144px;"> </div> </div> <p style="color: #c9c8cd; font-family: Arial,sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 17px; margin-bottom: 0; margin-top: 8px; overflow: hidden; padding: 8px 0 7px; text-align: center; text-overflow: ellipsis; white-space: nowrap;"><a style="color: #c9c8cd; font-family: Arial,sans-serif; font-size: 14px; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: 17px; text-decoration: none;" href="https://www.instagram.com/reel/C8FaLe5NGlt/?utm_source=ig_embed&utm_campaign=loading" target="_blank" rel="noopener">A post shared by Roger Federer (@rogerfederer)</a> </div> </blockquote> Among his advice, Federer insisted that “effortless is a myth”, referring to a word that was often used to describe his appearance on court, and urged the graduates to prioritise working hard. “The truth is, I had to work very hard to make it look easy,” he said. "I spent years whining, swearing, throwing my racquet, before I learned to keep my cool.” He also spoke about one match in particular, perhaps the most memorable from his career. “I tried not to lose. But I did lose,” he said. "Sometimes big. For me, one of the biggest was the finals at Wimbledon in 2008. Me versus Nadal. Some call it the greatest match of all time. OK, all respect to Rafa, but I think it would have been way, way better if I had won." “Losing at Wimbledon was a big deal because winning Wimbledon is everything.” Before wrapping up his speech, the sporting legend ended with some practical tennis advice after he asked Dartmouth president Sian Beilock to pass him a tennis racquet. “OK, so for your forehand, you’ll want to use an eastern grip,” he said. “Keep your knuckles apart a little bit. Obviously, you don’t want to squeeze the grip too hard. “Switching from forehand to backhand should be easy. Also, remember it all starts with the footwork and the take-back is as important as the follow-through." “No, this is not a metaphor. It’s just good technique.” Federer then ended his address with a wholesome message for the graduates, saying, “I will never forget this day and I know you won’t either.” “You have worked so hard to get here and left nothing on the court. From one graduate to another, I can’t wait to see what you all do next. Whatever game you choose, give it your best. Go for your shots. Play free. Try everything." “And most of all, be kind to one another and have fun out there.” <iframe title="YouTube video player" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/pqWUuYTcG-o?si=i4Pi8XY2JRYkyhd1" width="560" height="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe> Image credits: Instagram - Dartmouth

Retirement Life

Biggest winners and losers of the 2024-25 Federal Budget

The unveiling of the federal budget by Treasurer Jim Chalmers was marked by a dual focus on addressing cost-of-living pressures and strategically investing in Australia's future – and was predictably met with both praise and criticism. Reflecting a delicate balancing act between providing immediate relief to vulnerable segments of society and ensuring long-term fiscal sustainability, the measures to alleviate cost-of-living pressures and support key sectors appear commendable, yet concerns persist regarding the adequacy of support for welfare recipients and the potential implications of immigration policies on international education. Read on for the high points, the low points, and all the biggest winners and losers of the federal budget for 2024-25. BIGGEST WINNERS: Low and Middle-Income Earners: At the core of the budget lies a commitment to alleviate the financial strain on low and middle-income earners. With the implementation of stage three tax cuts, Australians can anticipate a welcome increase in their take-home pay. These cuts, announced earlier in the year, are projected to inject an average of $36 per week into taxpayers' pockets by 2024-25. Notably, this initiative is expected to benefit 84% of taxpayers and 90% of women, signalling a targeted effort to support those most in need. Parents: In a move towards greater gender equality and financial security, the government has extended superannuation payments to parents on paid leave. This initiative aims to bridge the superannuation gap and provide approximately 180,000 families annually with additional financial support during crucial early parenting stages. Households and Small Businesses: Acknowledging the escalating energy costs, a $300 rebate on energy bills was announced for more than 10 million households. It was this facet of the budget that drew ire from Jacqui Lambie, Federal Senator for Tasmania, who was furious over the "bizarre" decision, which sees funds being spent on high-income earners such as herself at a time of rising inflation. 'We don't need $300, I can assure you,' she said to a post-budget panel on ABC's Insiders on Tuesday night. "That [funding] should have been passed forward. I find it bizarre." Additionally, small businesses stand to benefit from a $325 boost to alleviate power bill pressures. The extension of the instant asset write-off and the abolishment of 457 nuisance tariffs signal the government's commitment to supporting small businesses and fostering economic growth. Aged Care Workers, Renters, Women, Last-Minute Travellers, Music Festivals, and PBS Patients: The budget also addresses various sectors of society, including aged care workers, renters, women, last-minute travellers, music festivals and Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme patients. Measures such as wage increases, rent assistance, healthcare subsidies and support for cultural events underscore the government's multifaceted approach to addressing societal needs. Students: Recognising the financial challenges faced by students, the government has taken steps to ease the burden of student debt. By wiping out $3 billion in student debt and overhauling the indexation of HECS debt, thousands of Australian students stand to benefit. Moreover, the introduction of payments for compulsory work placements acknowledges the financial strain faced by students pursuing vocational and tertiary education. BIGGEST LOSERS: International Students: In response to concerns about housing shortages and migration pressures, the government has signaled a crackdown on the influx of international students. Universities will be required to match enrolment growth with adequate housing infrastructure, potentially limiting opportunities for international students seeking education in Australia. Welfare Recipients: Despite calls for a significant increase in JobSeeker and Youth Allowance payments, the budget falls short of implementing substantial changes in welfare support. While some targeted assistance is provided to individuals facing barriers to employment, broader calls for income support reform remain unaddressed. High-Income Earners: While the budget aims to provide relief to low and middle-income earners, high-income earners may experience a less substantial boost to their incomes compared to previous projections. This recalibration reflects the government's commitment to a fair and equitable distribution of resources. Image: ABC

Money & Banking

Beyond the spin, beyond the handouts, here’s how to get a handle on what’s really happening on budget night

<div class="theconversation-article-body"><a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/peter-martin-682709">Peter Martin</a>, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/crawford-school-of-public-policy-australian-national-university-3292">Crawford School of Public Policy, Australian National University</a> Three weeks from now, some of us will be presented with a <a href="https://budget.gov.au/">mountain</a> of budget papers, and just about all of us will get to hear about them on radio, TV or news websites on budget night. The quickest way to find out what the budget is really doing will be to listen to the treasurer’s speech, or to peruse online the aptly-named “<a href="https://treasury.infoservices.com.au/page/budget2023">glossy</a>” – a document that last year was titled “<a href="https://archive.budget.gov.au/2023-24/overview/download/budget_overview.pdf">Stronger foundations for a better future</a>”. <figure class="align-right zoomable"><a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/589444/original/file-20240422-23-vkinrm.png?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/589444/original/file-20240422-23-vkinrm.png?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/589444/original/file-20240422-23-vkinrm.png?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=848&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/589444/original/file-20240422-23-vkinrm.png?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=848&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/589444/original/file-20240422-23-vkinrm.png?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=848&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/589444/original/file-20240422-23-vkinrm.png?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=1066&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/589444/original/file-20240422-23-vkinrm.png?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=1066&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/589444/original/file-20240422-23-vkinrm.png?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=1066&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" alt="Cover of 2023 budget glossy" /></a><figcaption>Glossies are used to make each budget attractive. <a class="source" href="https://archive.budget.gov.au/2023-24/overview/download/budget_overview.pdf">Commonwealth Treasury</a></figcaption></figure> But they will tell you exactly what the government wants you to hear, exactly as it wants you to hear it. If you are looking instead for the truth – what the government is actually trying to achieve and what it is holding itself and its officials to, I would suggest something else, tucked away on about page <a href="https://cdn.theconversation.com/static_files/files/3225/8787.pdf">87</a> of the main budget document. It is required by the <a href="https://www.legislation.gov.au/C2004A05333/latest/text">Charter of Budget Honesty Act</a> introduced in 1998 by Peter Costello, the treasurer under Prime Minister John Howard. On taking office in 1996, Costello set up a <a href="https://webarchive.nla.gov.au/awa/20101119021633/http://www.finance.gov.au/archive/archive-of-publications/ncoa/execsum.htm">National Commission of Audit</a> to examine the finances he had inherited from the Hawke and Keating governments, presumably with an eye to discovering they had been mismanaged. But the members of the commission weren’t much interested in that. Instead, they decided to deal with something more fundamental. <h2>Budget as you wish, but explain your strategy</h2> Governments were perfectly entitled to manage money in whatever way they wanted, and they were perfectly entitled to spend more money than they raised (which they usually do, it’s called a <a href="https://www.investopedia.com/terms/d/deficit.asp">budget deficit</a>). What the commission wanted was for governments to make clear what they were doing, and to spell out the strategy behind it. Only part of it was about being upfront with the public. The commission also wanted governments to be upfront with themselves – to actually develop frameworks for what they were doing, rather than doing whatever they felt like. The commission recommended a <a href="https://webarchive.nla.gov.au/awa/20101119021633/http://www.finance.gov.au/archive/archive-of-publications/ncoa/execsum.htm">Charter of Budget Honesty</a>, which among other things requires officials to prepare independent assessments of the finances before each election, requires budget updates six months after each budget, and requires <a href="https://www.aph.gov.au/About_Parliament/Parliamentary_Departments/Parliamentary_Library/pubs/BriefingBook45p/TaxExpenditures">tax expenditures</a> (tax breaks) to be accounted for like other expenditures. And it requires the publication and regular updating of a <a href="https://cdn.theconversation.com/static_files/files/3227/CBH_Fiscal_strategy.pdf">fiscal strategy statement</a>. <h2>Where treasurers hold themselves accountable</h2> The <a href="https://cdn.theconversation.com/static_files/files/3225/8787.pdf">fiscal strategy</a> can be thought of as an exam question set by the student who is being examined – something along the lines of “this is what you say you want your budget to achieve, please set out the means by which you plan to achieve it”. It turns out to have been exceptionally effective in getting governments to organise their thoughts, make budgets at least try to achieve something, and let the rest of us know what they are trying to achieve. Every few years, treasurers change the strategy, as is their right. Treasurer Jim Chalmers says he’ll change it again this budget, to de-emphasise the fight against inflation and to more greatly emphasise the need to <a href="https://ministers.treasury.gov.au/ministers/jim-chalmers-2022/transcripts/press-conference-washington-dc-0">support economic growth</a>. His statement will tell us what’s behind his actions in a way the glossy words in his brochure and speech might not. <h2>The strategy that has signposted 26 years</h2> Previous statements have signposted all the important turns in what the budget is trying to do. The first, in <a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/589686/original/file-20240423-16-rncqg3.PNG">1998</a>, committed Costello and Howard to achieving a budget surplus on average over the economic cycle and whenever “growth prospects remain sound”. Making that commitment more difficult was another “not to introduce new taxes or raise existing taxes over the term of this parliament”. Two years later, after the government had won an election promising a new goods and services tax, that commitment was <a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/589692/original/file-20240423-18-q843xn.PNG">changed</a> to “no increase in the overall tax burden from its 1996-97 level”, a condition met by calling the GST a state tax. <h2>Hockey and Morrison wound back spending</h2> The Labor budgets from 2008 <a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/589702/original/file-20240423-18-mikx6f.PNG">loosened</a> the tax target to the average share of GDP below the reference year, which they changed to the higher-tax year of 2007-08. The first Coalition budget under Treasurer Joe Hockey in 2014 changed the target from tax to spending, pledging to bring down the ratio of <a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/589705/original/file-20240423-16-9spkdy.PNG">payments to GDP</a>, and pledging a surplus of 1% of GDP by 2023-24. Any new spending would be more than offset by cuts elsewhere, and if the budget did receive a burst of unexpected revenue it would be “banked” rather than spent. In 2018 Treasurer Scott Morrison reintroduced tax as a target, that he spelled out precisely. Tax was not to increase beyond <a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/589706/original/file-20240423-16-b7gj5d.PNG">23.9%</a> of GDP. <h2>During COVID, Frydenberg spent big</h2> In 2020, in the face of a COVID-induced recession and soaring unemployment, Finance Minister Mathias Cormann and Treasurer Josh Frydenberg pushed the old strategy to one side. They would spend big now to keep the economy afloat so they wouldn’t have to spend more bailing it out later, and they wouldn’t return to their old concern about the deficit until the unemployment rate was “<a href="https://cdn.theconversation.com/static_files/files/3228/fs2020.pdf">comfortably below 6%</a>”. So well did they succeed that in 2021 Frydenberg made the momentous decision to keep going, abandoning the promise to return to worrying about the deficit when unemployment fell below 6%. Instead he promised to keep spending big until unemployment was “<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/589709/original/file-20240423-16-9pmpaf.PNG">back to pre-crisis levels or lower</a>”. The decision propelled unemployment down to a 50-year low of <a href="https://www.datawrapper.de/_/wPfXO/">3.5%</a>. Along with high iron ore prices, that one change of strategy has probably helped deliver Chalmers two consecutive budget surpluses – the one he announced last year for 2022-23, and the one he is set to announce this year for 2023-24. More of us have been in jobs <a href="https://www.finance.gov.au/publications/commonwealth-monthly-financial-statements/2024/mfs-january">paying tax</a>, and fewer have been out of jobs <a href="https://theconversation.com/half-a-million-more-australians-on-welfare-not-unless-you-double-count-227342">on benefits</a>. It’s a powerful demonstration of the real-world difference budget decisions can make, and the way in which the <a href="https://cdn.theconversation.com/static_files/files/3225/8787.pdf">fiscal strategy</a> tells the story.<img style="border: none !important; box-shadow: none !important; margin: 0 !important; max-height: 1px !important; max-width: 1px !important; min-height: 1px !important; min-width: 1px !important; opacity: 0 !important; outline: none !important; padding: 0 !important;" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/228387/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" /> <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/peter-martin-682709">Peter Martin</a>, Visiting Fellow, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/crawford-school-of-public-policy-australian-national-university-3292">Crawford School of Public Policy, Australian National University</a> Image credits: Getty Images This article is republished from <a href="https://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/beyond-the-spin-beyond-the-handouts-heres-how-to-get-a-handle-on-whats-really-happening-on-budget-night-228387">original article</a>. </div>

Money & Banking

What to expect from the federal budget

There's just three weeks left until Treasurer Jim Chalmers unveils the federal budget. With the cost of living crisis still a major issue across the country, we can expect to see some policies aimed at alleviating the pressure. Some policies, have already been announced and here are a few others that we can expect to hear from Chalmers on May 14. Stage 3 cuts announced in January, will form a key part of this year's budget, which will direct more benefit towards low- and middle-income earners – although Australians on high salaries will still receive a tax cut. The decision was made to alleviate the cost-of-living pressures and partly address the bracket creep. The cuts lower the threshold for the lowest two brackets (so they pay less tax on that income), and raise the threshold for the highest two brackets (so they need to earn more to be taxed at a higher rate). This means that someone with average income of around $73,000 will get $1504, but how much you actually receive will depend on your income. The new version of the stage 3 cuts will come into effect on July 1. Superannuation will be paid on government-funded parental leave, with the change due to kick in for parents with babies born after July 1, 2025. They will receive a 12 per cent superannuation on top of their government-funded parental leave, with around 180,000 families expected to benefit from it. The figures will be included in the May 14 budget. Although nothing has been officially announced, there will likely be HECS-HELP debt relief for current and former students. "I think there's a range of areas where we need to do much better with the younger generation, and HECS is one of them," Prime Minister Anthony Albanese said on radio on April 18. "We've received a review of that... and what that has said is that the system can be made simpler and be made fairer. "We're examining the recommendations and we'll be making announcements pretty soon on that. We, of course, have a budget coming up." There have also been some hints from the government that energy bill relief will continue in this year's budget. "Our government understands that for small business – as for Australian families – energy bills remain a source of financial pressure," Albanese said, citing the existing policy that gives eligible families up to $500 off their power bills and eligible small businesses up to $650. "Our government understands that for small business – as for Australian families – energy bills remain a source of financial pressure," he said. "That's why the energy bill relief package I negotiated with the states and territories delivered up to $650 in savings for around 1 million small businesses, along with 5 million families. "And as we put together next month's budget, small businesses and families will again be front and centre in our thinking." Energy bills are also set to go down, or remain stable for the most part from July 1. Image: Getty

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Biggest winners and losers of the 2024-25 Federal Budget

Beyond the spin, beyond the handouts, here’s how to get a handle on what’s really happening on budget night

What to expect from the federal budget

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