Placeholder Content Image

Cancer diagnosis can be devastating, but for some it gives permission to live more radically

<div class="theconversation-article-body"> <p><em><a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/kevin-dew-577291">Kevin Dew</a>, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/te-herenga-waka-victoria-university-of-wellington-1200">Te Herenga Waka — Victoria University of Wellington</a>; <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/alex-broom-121063">Alex Broom</a>, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-sydney-841">University of Sydney</a>; <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/chris-cunningham-1534054">Chris Cunningham</a>, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/te-kunenga-ki-purehuroa-massey-university-806">Te Kunenga ki Pūrehuroa – Massey University</a>; <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/elizabeth-dennett-1532423">Elizabeth Dennett</a>, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-otago-1304">University of Otago</a>; <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/kerry-chamberlain-103714">Kerry Chamberlain</a>, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/te-kunenga-ki-purehuroa-massey-university-806">Te Kunenga ki Pūrehuroa – Massey University</a>, and <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/richard-egan-400188">Richard Egan</a>, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-otago-1304">University of Otago</a></em></p> <p>A diagnosis of life-limiting cancer can be overwhelming and cause feelings of panic and anxiety. But for some people, it provides a license to live life differently, including quitting toxic jobs and becoming more adventurous.</p> <p>In our <a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/1467-9566.13797">recently published research</a>, we sought to understand the impact of a cancer diagnosis and subsequent experiences for cancer survivors.</p> <p>We talked with 81 New Zealanders (23 Māori and 58 non-Māori) who had lived longer than expected with a life-limiting or terminal diagnosis of cancer (four to 32 years since first diagnosis), and 25 people who were identified as their supporters.</p> <p>We found there are vastly different ways in which people experience and respond to a cancer diagnosis, but for some it’s a prompt to make significant changes. Of the 81 participants, 26 expressed the view, unsolicited, that cancer had some positive impact on their lives – without downplaying the negative impacts it could have as well.</p> <h2>A licence to change</h2> <p>Being told you only have limited time left to live can undoubtedly be a shock. But it can lead to profound change.</p> <p>It’s not uncommon for people who receive a serious diagnosis to draw up a “<a href="https://theconversation.com/paris-in-spring-bali-in-winter-how-bucket-lists-help-cancer-patients-handle-life-and-death-225682">bucket list</a>”. Some people in our study took the opportunity to travel or move to a new home.</p> <p>For others, the diagnosis provided a chance to rethink their lives and make more significant changes to the way they lived. They decided to be culturally more adventurous and to take up new skills.</p> <p>Many of these people quit their jobs or changed to jobs that suited them better. Many changed their relationships with the people around them. One talked about showing more affection for his children, another was kinder and stopped fretting over small things.</p> <p>Some decided to be more selective and no longer be around people who were negative. Others took up new hobbies or crafts which they felt were healing. For one person, the cancer diagnosis provided the impetus to look at things and people differently, which they thought would not have happened otherwise.</p> <p>Individuals could also undergo a transformation to become what they felt they were meant to be in life. One person, given two months to live, embraced rongoā (Māori traditional healing), including its spiritual side. They now love their “journey” and feel this was what they were “supposed to do”.</p> <p>For many, a diagnosis of cancer gave them license to be different people and to resist conforming to social norms, including having a job, being thrifty or not taking risks.</p> <h2>Disrupting diagnoses</h2> <p>One person, given only months to live, moved out of her flat, gave away her possessions, quit her job that she described was toxic, and returned home to say goodbye to her family.</p> <p>Most importantly for her, she worked on experiencing “joy” – after receiving the diagnosis, she realised she had lost it. But she continues to live many years later. After a while, she had to find a new flat, get a new job and the recovery of her joy was challenged:</p> <blockquote> <p>I had to start working again. And, of course, with working again, joy goes down, time goes down, rest goes down, spirituality goes down.</p> </blockquote> <p>But not everyone has the opportunity to change. Some peoples’ lives were limited because of the physical effects of the cancer, its treatment, or because of their personal, social or financial resources.</p> <p>Some go to great lengths to ensure their lives change as little as possible after diagnosis to maintain a sense of normality.</p> <h2>Why we need to know</h2> <p>Given the fear a cancer diagnosis can elicit, it is important to see there are different ways of responding.</p> <p>It is also worth knowing there are people who live longer than expected. Many people in our study were given just months to live, but one woman was still alive 12 years after being told she had a year left.</p> <p>Beyond that, this research documents how the disruption produced by a cancer diagnosis can prompt people to breach social norms. Where people have the capacity and resources to change, those around them and their health professionals can support them in taking opportunities to live life differently.</p> <p>We heard people say they think of their cancer as a friend or an amazing opportunity. Some even felt thankful.</p> <p>The possibility of cancer providing opportunities for some in no way diminishes the grief or a sense of loss, fear and anxiety that can accompany such diagnoses.</p> <p>Our research supports a reframing of cancer narratives, to consider ways of tempering the negative impacts of a diagnosis – while remaining cognisant of the struggle that can follow such news, and the variability in people’s capacity to engage with that struggle.<!-- Below is The Conversation's page counter tag. Please DO NOT REMOVE. --><img style="border: none !important; box-shadow: none !important; margin: 0 !important; max-height: 1px !important; max-width: 1px !important; min-height: 1px !important; min-width: 1px !important; opacity: 0 !important; outline: none !important; padding: 0 !important;" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/233782/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" /><!-- End of code. If you don't see any code above, please get new code from the Advanced tab after you click the republish button. The page counter does not collect any personal data. More info: https://theconversation.com/republishing-guidelines --></p> <p><em><a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/kevin-dew-577291">Kevin Dew</a>, Professor of Sociology, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/te-herenga-waka-victoria-university-of-wellington-1200">Te Herenga Waka — Victoria University of Wellington</a>; <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/alex-broom-121063">Alex Broom</a>, Professor of Sociology &amp; Director, Sydney Centre for Healthy Societies, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-sydney-841">University of Sydney</a>; <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/chris-cunningham-1534054">Chris Cunningham</a>, Professor of Maori &amp; Public Health, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/te-kunenga-ki-purehuroa-massey-university-806">Te Kunenga ki Pūrehuroa – Massey University</a>; <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/elizabeth-dennett-1532423">Elizabeth Dennett</a>, Associate Professor in Surgery, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-otago-1304">University of Otago</a>; <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/kerry-chamberlain-103714">Kerry Chamberlain</a>, Professor of Social and Health Psychology, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/te-kunenga-ki-purehuroa-massey-university-806">Te Kunenga ki Pūrehuroa – Massey University</a>, and <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/richard-egan-400188">Richard Egan</a>, Associate Professor in Health Promotion, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-otago-1304">University of Otago</a></em></p> <p><em>Image credits: Shutterstock </em></p> <p><em>This article is republished from <a href="https://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/cancer-diagnosis-can-be-devastating-but-for-some-it-gives-permission-to-live-more-radically-233782">original article</a>.</em></p> </div>

Body

Placeholder Content Image

“Coast-to-coast”: Rinehart's radical plan to save the Commonwealth Games

<p>The 2026 Commonwealth Games has faced grim uncertainty ever since the <a href="https://www.oversixty.com.au/finance/money-banking/i-m-not-here-to-apologise-dan-andrews-fires-up-as-comm-games-is-scrapped" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Victorian government withdrew its commitment to host the event</a>, leaving Australia in a precarious situation.</p> <p>However, a new and radical proposal by Australia's wealthiest individual, Gina Rinehart, supported by Gold Coast Mayor Tom Tate and Perth Lord Mayor Basil Zempilas, suggests a unique solution to save the Games. Rinehart's proposal involves hosting the event in two cities at opposite ends of the country – the Gold Coast and Perth.</p> <p>The initial plan by the Victorian government to host the Games across multiple towns in regional Victoria was abandoned due to the reported $4 billion price tag. This decision left Australia without a host city for the 2026 Games, and no alternative has been proposed since. Additionally, the withdrawal of support from the Canadian city Alberta for the 2030 event further complicated the future of the Commonwealth Games.</p> <p>Now, in a letter addressed to Prime Minister Anthony Albanese, Rinehart, Tate and Zempilas have suggested a bold coast-to-coast approach for the Commonwealth Games.</p> <p>The idea is to utilise existing facilities in the Gold Coast and Perth, with each city hosting a week of the Games. The proposal aims to showcase Australia on a national scale, providing a unique background for discussions with Commonwealth heads.</p> <p>“We believe that a coast-to-coast Games presents a special opportunity to showcase Australia and provides an excellent background for you to invite those heads of the Commonwealth you may wish to have further discussions with, and/or entertain,” the letter reads. “A background where Australia pulls well above its weight, and shines!”</p> <p>While the proposal has gained support from key figures, including Rinehart's assertion that it would not be too difficult to execute, some critics have raised practical concerns. Melbourne radio host Tom Elliott expressed skepticism about the feasibility of a dual-city approach, citing the vast distance between the Gold Coast and Perth, which is over 4000km.</p> <p>“You could not pick two cities in Australia that are further apart from each other," Elliott said on his 3AW radio talk show. </p> <p>He also questioned the logistical challenges, such as the need for two athletes' villages and the movement of officials and volunteers between the two cities: “To have a Commonwealth Games split between the Gold Coast and Perth, I just think is utter madness... The idea is that they do the first week of events on the Gold Coast and the second week in Perth. But think about it – unless every official and volunteer moves between the Gold Coast and Perth – and where would you put them all? They effectively have to recruit all the people again just to make the Games run. You’ve got to build two athletes villages. It’s just such a dumb idea.</p> <p>“I think we need to accept, as sad as this is, that the era of the Commonwealth Games is over. Not that many people watch it, not that many countries compete in it, it doesn’t make any money – that’s the reason cities don’t want to host it.”</p> <p>Rinehart's letter counters that criticism, claiming that the dual-city approach would be popular, in the national interest, and beneficial for athletes and cities. She contends that the proposal would be more popular and less expensive than other recent expenditures, suggesting that funds allocated for other purposes, such as Papua New Guinea football, could be redirected to improve Australian facilities for the Commonwealth and later Olympic Games.</p> <p>Rinehart's bold proposal to host the 2026 Commonwealth Games in two cities at opposite ends of Australia certainly presents a novel solution. While critics question the practicality of the idea, proponents believe it could not only save the Games but also showcase Australia on a grand scale. As discussions unfold, the fate of the Commonwealth Games hangs in the balance, with Rinehart's vision offering a unique and ambitious alternative.</p> <p><em>Images: Getty / Facebook</em></p>

Money & Banking

Placeholder Content Image

From radical to reactionary: the achievements and legacy of the influential artist John Olsen

<p>After media outlets breathlessly described the late John Olsen as a “<a href="https://fb.watch/jSdCoR-2GN/">genius</a>”, I found myself humming The Chasers’ <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dXHleozgQ18">Eulogy Song</a>. </p> <p>This is perhaps a bit unfair, but the hyperbole surrounding Olsen’s death seems to have crowded out any assessment of his real and lasting achievements as an artist. There is a danger here. </p> <p>Hyperbole invites a reaction, which is not always kind. It is still hard to have a dispassionate discussion on the merits (and otherwise) of <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/national/nsw/from-the-archives-1969-norman-lindsay-dies-20191112-p539sa.html">Norman Lindsay</a>, an artist often called a genius in his lifetime.</p> <h2>John Olsen and Australian art</h2> <p>To understand Olsen, and his importance to Australian art, it is important to give some context. He emerged from that generation of Australians whose childhood was coloured by the deprivations of the second world war, and whose adolescent experience was of an expanding, changing Australia. </p> <p>War meant that he finished school as a boarder at St Josephs Hunters Hill, while his father fought in the Middle East and New Guinea and his mother and sister moved to Yass in rural New South Wales.</p> <p>His ability to draw meant that he escaped the tedium of a clerical job by becoming a freelance cartoonist while moving between a number of different art schools, including Julian Ashtons, Dattilo Rubio, East Sydney Tech and <a href="https://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/orban-desiderius-dezso-14658">Desiderius Orban</a>’s studio. As with other young artists of his generation, he was especially influenced by the experimental approach and intellectual rigour of <a href="https://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/passmore-john-richard-15023">John Passmore</a>.</p> <p>He found visual stimulation in <a href="https://www.carlplate.com/">Carl Plate</a>’s Notanda Gallery in Rowe Street, a rare source of information on modern art at the time. Rowe Street was the creative hub for many artists, writers and serious drinkers who later became known as “The Push”. The informal exposure to new ideas on art, literature, food, wine and great conversation was more effective than a university. He learned about Kandinsky, Klee, the beauty of a wandering line, the poetry of Dylan Thomas and T.S. Eliot.</p> <p>Olsen’s first media exposure was as the spokesman for art students protesting at the rigid conservatism of the trustees judging the <a href="https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/18514782?searchTerm=John%20Olsen%20art%20student%20National%20Art%20Gallery">Archibald Prize</a>. There were no complaints about the Wynne Prize, which had exhibited his work.</p> <h2>The ‘first’ Australian exhibition of Abstract Expressionism</h2> <p>The friendship between Olsen and fellow artists William Rose, Robert Klippel, Eric Smith and their mentor John Passmore, led to the exhibition <a href="https://www.artgallery.nsw.gov.au/collection/works/ARC409.1.147/">Direction 1</a> in December 1956. </p> <p>An art critic’s over enthusiasm led to it being proclaimed as the first Australian exhibition of Abstract Expressionism, and its artists as pioneers of modern art. As a consequence, Robert Shaw, a private collector, paid for Olsen to travel and study in Europe. This was a transformational gift, coming at a time before Australia Council Grants, when travel was expensive.</p> <p>He travelled first to Paris, then Spain where he based himself in Majorca and supported himself by working as an apprentice chef. The fluid approach to learning he had acquired in Sydney was enhanced in Spain. He saw, and appreciated the <a href="https://www.tate.org.uk/art/art-terms/t/tachisme">Tachiste</a>artists, but took his own path, remembering always Paul Klee’s dictum that a drawing is “taking a line for a walk”.</p> <p>That Spanish experience was distilled in the exuberant works he painted after his return to Sydney in 1960. <a href="https://www.artgallery.nsw.gov.au/collection/works/OA29.1960.a-c/">Spanish Encounter</a>paid tribute to the impact of this culture that continued to intrigue him, its energy and its apparent irrationality. </p> <p>But he also found himself enjoying the “honest vulgarity” he found in the Australian ethos, leading to a series of paintings which incorporated the words <a href="https://www.ngv.vic.gov.au/explore/collection/work/6124/">you beaut country</a> in their title. Olsen’s confident paintings of the 1960s easily place him as the most influential Australian artist of that decade.</p> <h2>Five Bells and landscape</h2> <p>In 1972, Olsen was commissioned to paint a giant mural for the foyer of the concert hall at the Sydney Opera House. <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/radionational/archived/booksandarts/my-salute-to-five-bells:-john-olsen/6721222">Salute to Five Bells</a> takes its name from Kenneth Slessor’s poem of death on the Harbour, but is more about elements of subterranean harbour life. </p> <p>The heroic scale of the work meant that he worked with a number of assistants to paint the dominant blue ground. When the mural was unveiled in 1973, it received a <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/radionational/archived/booksandarts/my-salute-to-five-bells:-john-olsen/6721222">mixed response</a>. It was too muted in tone to cope with the Opera House lighting, too sparse in content, too decorative.</p> <p>In the following years, Olsen turned towards painting the Australian landscape and the creatures that inhabited it. In 1974, he visited Lake Eyre as the once dry giant salt lake flooded to fill with abundant life. He made paintings, drawings and prints of the abundance – both intimate views and overviews from flying over. Lake Eyre and its environs was to be a recurring motif in the art of his later years.</p> <p>While these works were commercially successful, and many were acquired by public galleries, Olsen was no longer seen as being in the avant garde. He was, however, very much a part of the art establishment and his art was widely collected.</p> <h2>A man of his generation</h2> <p>The aerial perspective of many of his later decorative paintings could seem to have echoes of Aboriginal art. Indeed, when the young <a href="https://abdulabdullah.com/home.html">Abdul Abdullah</a> first saw Olsen’s paintings in 2009 he at first assumed Olsen was an Aboriginal artist. </p> <p>It was therefore a surprise to many when in 2017 Olsen mounted a <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/entertainment/art-and-design/john-olsen-says-archibald-prize-win-is-the-worst-decision-ive-ever-seen-20170728-gxl4ze.html">trenchant attack</a> on the Wynne Prize after it was awarded to Betty Kunitiwa Pumani for Antara, a painting of her mother’s country.</p> <p>Despite some visual similarities to his own approach to landscape he claimed her painting existed in “a cloud cuckoo land”. In the same interview, he attacked Mitch Cairns’ Archibald-winning portrait of his wife, Agatha Gothe-Snape, as “just so bad”.</p> <p>While it is not unusual for the radical young to become enthusiastic reactionaries in prosperous old age, there was a particular lack of grace in Olsen’s response to artists who were not a part of his social circle or cultural background. He was in this very much a man of his generation, with attitudes and prejudices that reflect the years of his youth. </p> <p>Looking at Olsen’s paintings of the 1950s and ‘60s is a reminder that there was a time in Australia when brash young men could prove their intellectual credentials by quoting Dylan Thomas while making a glorious multi-coloured paella in paint.</p> <p><em>Image credits: Getty Images</em></p> <p><em>This article originally appeared on <a href="https://theconversation.com/from-radical-to-reactionary-the-achievements-and-legacy-of-the-influential-artist-john-olsen-203677" target="_blank" rel="noopener">The Conversation</a>. </em></p>

Art

Placeholder Content Image

Dame Helen Mirren lets her “radical” hair down

<p>Dame Helen Mirren has put her foot down over the idea that older women are meant to keep their hair short. </p> <p>While chatting to Lorraine Kelly on the UK breakfast TV show <em>Lorraine</em>, the award-winning actress - who has openly spoken out in the past against ‘beauty standards’ and the unfair stereotypes imposed on her generation - shared her latest take on the matter. </p> <p>“You’re not supposed to have longer hair after a certain age,” the 77-year-old stated. </p> <p>“But during Covid, I started growing my hair and I hadn’t actually had long hair since I was in my 20s,” she continued. “And it sort of grew and grew and grew, and I couldn’t be bothered to cut it, basically.</p> <p>“I thought, ‘do you know what? It’s pretty cool, I think I’ll stick with it for a little while. It will come off eventually’.</p> <p>“But I’m kind of enjoying it, it’s quite radical.”</p> <p>And when it came to the idea that Helen was “fly[ing] the flag” for women over 60, the actress shared that “life doesn’t stop. And creativity doesn’t stop and passion doesn’t stop and energy doesn’t stop, unless you decide to stop it.</p> <p>“So it’s just [to] be self-motivated, really, and never give up. And find enjoyment, if it’s possible in your life.”</p> <p>Helen has been stunning with her long hair and natural glow for years, on film sets and red carpets alike, and speaking out against ageism in life and the industry alike for many before that. </p> <p>In a 2021 interview with <em>The Cut</em>, she confessed she was opposed to the term ‘anti-ageing’, and that she found it to be quite “demeaning”. </p> <p>“We age. It happened. I’m really sorry, but you know what? It happens, and there’s no way out,” she explained. </p> <p>“It’s a part of the human condition. So to talk about ‘anti-ageing’ is like saying ‘anti-human’, ‘anti-real’, ‘anti-wisdom’, ‘anti-experience’, and so on, you know?</p> <p>“But you can put on your best possible face. It doesn’t mean you have to go, ‘oh my God, it’s all over for me!’ because it’s not all over for you … in a way, with each era, it’s the start of something new, so I absolutely believe in beauty products for all ages, and all skin types, but I don’t like the word ‘anti-ageing’. I think it’s demeaning, actually.”</p> <p>Similarly, in 2019, she told <em>Grazia</em> that ageism had been forced upon her generation for “far too long”. </p> <p>“It’s extremely annoying to women of my generation and others following mine to have beauty products sold on a 15-year-old face,” she said. </p> <p>Helen went on to explain in the interview that she didn’t feel comfortable using terms like “beauty” in that context, as it led those who are insecure about their appearance feel “immediately excluded” from the conversation. </p> <p>As she explained, “they’ll think ‘well, I’m not very beautiful. It’s all very well for these beautiful women, but I don’t feel beautiful’.</p> <p>“I don’t want to exclude these people from feeling fabulous about themselves.”</p> <p><em>Images: Getty</em></p>

Beauty & Style

Placeholder Content Image

Can ideology-detecting algorithms catch online extremism before it takes hold?

<p>Ideology has always been a critical element in understanding how we view the world, form opinions and make political decisions. </p> <p>However, the internet has revolutionised the way opinions and ideologies spread, leading to new forms of online radicalisation. Far-right ideologies, which advocate for ultra-nationalism, racism and opposition to immigration and multiculturalism, have proliferated on social platforms.</p> <p>These ideologies have strong links with violence and terrorism. In recent years, <a href="https://www.asio.gov.au/sites/default/files/2022-02/ASIO_Annual_Report_2020-21.pdf">as much as 40%</a> of the caseload of the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation (ASIO) was related to far-right extremism. This has <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2023-02-13/right-wing-terror-threat-declines-says-asio/101965964">declined</a>, though, with the easing of COVID restrictions.</p> <p>Detecting online radicalisation early could help prevent far-right ideology-motivated (and potentially violent) activity. To this end, we have developed a <a href="https://arxiv.org/abs/2208.04097">completely automatic system</a> that can determine the ideology of social media users based on what they do online.</p> <h2>How it works</h2> <p>Our proposed pipeline is based on detecting the signals of ideology from people’s online behaviour. </p> <p>There is no way to directly observe a person’s ideology. However, researchers can observe “ideological proxies” such as the use of political hashtags, retweeting politicians and following political parties.</p> <p>But using ideological proxies requires a lot of work: you need experts to understand and label the relationships between proxies and ideology. This can be expensive and time-consuming. </p> <p>What’s more, online behaviour and contexts change between countries and social platforms. They also shift rapidly over time. This means even more work to keep your ideological proxies up to date and relevant.</p> <h2>You are what you post</h2> <p>Our pipeline simplifies this process and makes it automatic. It has two main components: a “media proxy”, which determines ideology via links to media, and an “inference architecture”, which helps us determine the ideology of people who don’t post links to media.</p> <p>The media proxy measures the ideological leaning of an account by tracking which media sites it posts links to. Posting links to Fox News would indicate someone is more likely to lean right, for example, while linking to the Guardian indicates a leftward tendency. </p> <p>To categorise the media sites users link to, we took the left-right ratings for a wide range of news sites from two datasets (though many are available). One was <a href="https://reutersinstitute.politics.ox.ac.uk/our-research/digital-news-report-2018">based on a Reuters survey</a> and the other curated by experts at <a href="https://www.allsides.com/media-bias/ratings">Allsides.com</a>. </p> <p>This works well for people who post links to media sites. However, most people don’t do that very often. So what do we do about them?</p> <p>That’s where the inference architecture comes in. In our pipeline, we determine how ideologically similar people are to one another with three measures: the kind of language they use, the hashtags they use, and the other users whose content they reshare.</p> <p>Measuring similarity in hashtags and resharing is relatively straightforward, but such signals are not always available. Language use is the key: it is always present, and a known indicator of people’s latent psychological states. </p> <p>Using machine-learning techniques we found that people with different ideologies use different kinds of language. </p> <p>Right-leaning individuals tend to use moral language relating to vice (for example, harm, cheating, betrayal, subversion and degradation), as opposed to virtue (care, fairness, loyalty, authority and sanctity), more than left-leaning individuals. Far-right individuals use grievance language (involving violence, hate and paranoia) significantly more than moderates. </p> <p>By detecting these signals of ideology, our pipeline can identify and understand the psychological and social characteristics of extreme individuals and communities.</p> <h2>What’s next?</h2> <p>The ideology detection pipeline could be a crucial tool for understanding the spread of far-right ideologies and preventing violence and terrorism. By detecting signals of ideology from user behaviour online, the pipeline serves as an early warning systems for extreme ideology-motivated activity. It can provide law enforcement with methods to flag users for investigation and intervene before radicalisation takes hold.</p> <p><em>Image credits: Getty Images</em></p> <p><em>This article originally appeared on <a href="https://theconversation.com/can-ideology-detecting-algorithms-catch-online-extremism-before-it-takes-hold-200629" target="_blank" rel="noopener">The Conversation</a>. </em></p>

Technology

Placeholder Content Image

Shanty towns and eviction riots: the radical history of Australia’s property market

<p>Skyrocketing property prices and an impossible rental market have seen growing numbers of Australians struggling to find a place to live.</p> <p>Recent images of families pitching tents or living out of cars evoke some of the more enduring scenes from the Great Depression. Australia was among the hardest hit countries when global wool and wheat prices plummeted in 1929.</p> <p>By 1931, many were feeling the effects of long-term unemployment, including widespread evictions from their homes. The evidence was soon seen and felt as shanty towns – known as dole camps – mushroomed in and around urban centres across the country.</p> <p>How we responded to that housing crisis, and how we talk about those events today, show how our attitudes about poverty, homelessness and welfare are entwined with questions of national identity.</p> <p><strong>Shanty towns and eviction riots</strong></p> <p>Sydney’s Domain, Melbourne’s Dudley Flats and the banks of the River Torrens in Adelaide were just a few places where communities of people experiencing homelessness <a href="https://catalogue.nla.gov.au/Record/1106767" target="_blank" rel="noopener">sprung up</a> in the early 1930s.</p> <p>Some <a href="https://catalogue.nla.gov.au/Record/1106767" target="_blank" rel="noopener">lived in tents</a>, others in makeshift shelters of iron, sacking, wood and other scavenged materials. Wooden crates, newspapers and flour and wheat sacks were put to numerous inventive domestic uses, such as for furniture and blankets. Camps were rife with lice, fevers and dysentery, all treated with home remedies.</p> <figure class="align-center zoomable"><a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/469663/original/file-20220620-23-cm58ov.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=1000&amp;fit=clip"><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/469663/original/file-20220620-23-cm58ov.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;fit=clip" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/469663/original/file-20220620-23-cm58ov.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=600&amp;h=837&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/469663/original/file-20220620-23-cm58ov.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=30&amp;auto=format&amp;w=600&amp;h=837&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/469663/original/file-20220620-23-cm58ov.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=15&amp;auto=format&amp;w=600&amp;h=837&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/469663/original/file-20220620-23-cm58ov.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;h=1052&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/469663/original/file-20220620-23-cm58ov.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=30&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;h=1052&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/469663/original/file-20220620-23-cm58ov.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=15&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;h=1052&amp;fit=crop&amp;dpr=3 2262w" alt="" /></a><figcaption><em><span class="caption">Some people lived in tents in the Domain during the Depression of the 1930s.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="http://search.slv.vic.gov.au/primo-explore/fulldisplay?vid=MAIN&amp;search_scope=Everything&amp;tab=default_tab&amp;lang=en_US&amp;context=L&amp;isFrbr=true&amp;docid=SLV_VOYAGER1713846" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Knights, Bert/State Library of Victoria</a></span></em></figcaption></figure> <p>But many Australians fought eviction from their homes in a widespread series of protests and interventions known as the <a href="https://commonslibrary.org/lock-out-the-landlords-australian-anti-eviction-resistance/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">anti-eviction movement</a>.</p> <p>As writer Iain McIntyre outlines in his work <a href="https://commonslibrary.org/lock-out-the-landlords-australian-anti-eviction-resistance/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Lock Out The Landlords: Australian Anti-Eviction Resistance 1929-1936</a>, these protests were an initiative of members of the Unemployed Workers Movement – a kind of trade union of the jobless.</p> <p>As <a href="https://rahu.org.au/wp-content/uploads/2020/08/Sydneys-Anti-Eviction-Movement_-Community-or-Conspiracy_.pdf" target="_blank" rel="noopener">explained</a> by writers Nadia Wheatley and Drew Cottle,</p> <blockquote> <p>With the dole being given in the form of goods or coupons rather than as cash, it was impossible for many unemployed workers to pay rent. In working class suburbs, it was common to see bailiffs dumping furniture onto the footpath, pushing women and children onto the street. Even more common was the sight of strings of boarded up terrace houses, which nobody could afford to rent. If anything demonstrated the idiocy as well as the injustice of the capitalist system it was the fact that in many situations the landlords did not even gain anything from evicting people.</p> </blockquote> <p>The Unemployed Workers Movement <a href="https://rahu.org.au/wp-content/uploads/2020/08/Sydneys-Anti-Eviction-Movement_-Community-or-Conspiracy_.pdf" target="_blank" rel="noopener">goal</a> was to</p> <blockquote> <p>Organise vigilance committees in neighbourhoods to patrol working class districts and resist by mass action the eviction of unemployed workers from their houses, or attempts on behalf of bailiffs to remove furniture, or gas men to shut off the gas supply.</p> </blockquote> <p>Methods of resistance were varied in practice. Often threats were <a href="https://rahu.org.au/wp-content/uploads/2020/08/Sydneys-Anti-Eviction-Movement_-Community-or-Conspiracy_.pdf" target="_blank" rel="noopener">sufficient</a> to keep a landlord from evicting a family.</p> <p>If not, a common <a href="https://rahu.org.au/wp-content/uploads/2020/08/Sydneys-Anti-Eviction-Movement_-Community-or-Conspiracy_.pdf" target="_blank" rel="noopener">tactic</a> was for a large group of activists and neighbours to gather outside the house on eviction day and physically prevent the eviction. Sometimes this led to street fights with <a href="https://commonslibrary.org/lock-out-the-landlords-australian-anti-eviction-resistance/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">police</a>. Protestors sometimes <a href="https://catalogue.nla.gov.au/Record/1106767" target="_blank" rel="noopener">returned</a> in the wake of a successful eviction to raid and vandalise the property.</p> <p>Protestors went under armed siege in houses barricaded with sandbags and barbed wire. This culminated in a <a href="http://www5.austlii.edu.au/au/journals/ANZLawHisteJl/2007/2.pdf" target="_blank" rel="noopener">series</a> of bloody battles with police in Sydney’s suburbs in mid-1931, and numerous arrests.</p> <p><strong>It’s not just what happened – it’s how we talk about it</strong></p> <p>Narratives both reflect and shape our world. Written history is interesting not just for the things that happened in the past, but for how we tell them.</p> <p>Just as the catastrophic effects of the 1929 crash were entwined with the escalating struggle between extreme left and right political ideologies, historians and writers have since taken various and even opposing viewpoints when it comes to interpreting the events of Australia’s Depression years and ascribing meaning to them.</p> <p>Was it a time of quiet stoicism that brought out the best in us as “battlers” and fostered a spirit of mateship that underpins who we are as a nation?</p> <p>Or did we push our fellow Australians onto the streets and into tin shacks and make people feel ashamed for needing help? As Wendy Lowenstein wrote in her landmark work of Depression oral history, <a href="https://catalogue.nla.gov.au/Record/69032" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Weevils in the Flour</a>:</p> <blockquote> <p>Common was the conviction that the most important thing was to own your own house, to keep out of debt, to be sober, industrious, and to mind your own business. One woman says, ‘My husband was out of work for five years during the Depression and no one ever knew […] Not even my own parents.’</p> </blockquote> <p>This part of our history remains contested and narratives from this period - about “lifters and leaners” or the Australian “dream” of home ownership, for example – persist today.</p> <p>As Australia’s present housing crisis deepens, it’s worth highlighting we have been through housing crises before. Public discussion about housing and its relationship to poverty remain – as was the case in the Depression era – emotionally and politically charged.</p> <p>Our Depression-era shanty towns and eviction protests, as well as the way we remember them, are a reminder that what people say and do about the housing crisis today is not just about facts and figures. Above all, it reflects what we value and who we think we are.<!-- Below is The Conversation's page counter tag. Please DO NOT REMOVE. --><img style="border: none !important; box-shadow: none !important; margin: 0 !important; max-height: 1px !important; max-width: 1px !important; min-height: 1px !important; min-width: 1px !important; opacity: 0 !important; outline: none !important; padding: 0 !important;" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/185129/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" /><!-- End of code. If you don't see any code above, please get new code from the Advanced tab after you click the republish button. The page counter does not collect any personal data. More info: https://theconversation.com/republishing-guidelines --></p> <p><em><a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/helen-dinmore-1000747" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Helen Dinmore</a>, Research Fellow, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-south-australia-1180" target="_blank" rel="noopener">University of South Australia</a></em></p> <p><em>This article is republished from <a href="https://theconversation.com" target="_blank" rel="noopener">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/shanty-towns-and-eviction-riots-the-radical-history-of-australias-property-market-185129" target="_blank" rel="noopener">original article</a>.</em></p> <p><em>Image: <a href="https://nla.gov.au/nla.obj-160054430/view" target="_blank" rel="noopener">NLA/Trove</a></em></p>

Real Estate

Placeholder Content Image

Shanty towns and eviction riots: the radical history of Australia’s property market

<p>Skyrocketing property prices and an impossible rental market have seen growing numbers of Australians struggling to find a place to live. </p> <p>Recent images of families pitching tents or living out of cars evoke some of the more enduring scenes from the Great Depression. Australia was among the hardest hit countries when global wool and wheat prices plummeted in 1929.</p> <p>By 1931, many were feeling the effects of long-term unemployment, including widespread evictions from their homes. The evidence was soon seen and felt as shanty towns – known as dole camps – mushroomed in and around urban centres across the country. </p> <p>How we responded to that housing crisis, and how we talk about those events today, show how our attitudes about poverty, homelessness and welfare are entwined with questions of national identity.</p> <h2>Shanty towns and eviction riots</h2> <p>Sydney’s Domain, Melbourne’s Dudley Flats and the banks of the River Torrens in Adelaide were just a few places where communities of people experiencing homelessness <a href="https://catalogue.nla.gov.au/Record/1106767">sprung up</a> in the early 1930s.</p> <p>Some <a href="https://catalogue.nla.gov.au/Record/1106767">lived in tents</a>, others in makeshift shelters of iron, sacking, wood and other scavenged materials. Wooden crates, newspapers and flour and wheat sacks were put to numerous inventive domestic uses, such as for furniture and blankets. Camps were rife with lice, fevers and dysentery, all treated with home remedies.</p> <p>But many Australians fought eviction from their homes in a widespread series of protests and interventions known as the <a href="https://commonslibrary.org/lock-out-the-landlords-australian-anti-eviction-resistance/">anti-eviction movement</a>. </p> <p>As writer Iain McIntyre outlines in his work <a href="https://commonslibrary.org/lock-out-the-landlords-australian-anti-eviction-resistance/">Lock Out The Landlords: Australian Anti-Eviction Resistance 1929-1936</a>, these protests were an initiative of members of the Unemployed Workers Movement – a kind of trade union of the jobless.</p> <p>As <a href="https://rahu.org.au/wp-content/uploads/2020/08/Sydneys-Anti-Eviction-Movement_-Community-or-Conspiracy_.pdf">explained</a> by writers Nadia Wheatley and Drew Cottle, "With the dole being given in the form of goods or coupons rather than as cash, it was impossible for many unemployed workers to pay rent. In working class suburbs, it was common to see bailiffs dumping furniture onto the footpath, pushing women and children onto the street. Even more common was the sight of strings of boarded up terrace houses, which nobody could afford to rent. If anything demonstrated the idiocy as well as the injustice of the capitalist system it was the fact that in many situations the landlords did not even gain anything from evicting people." </p> <p>The Unemployed Workers Movement <a href="https://rahu.org.au/wp-content/uploads/2020/08/Sydneys-Anti-Eviction-Movement_-Community-or-Conspiracy_.pdf">goal</a> was to, "Organise vigilance committees in neighbourhoods to patrol working class districts and resist by mass action the eviction of unemployed workers from their houses, or attempts on behalf of bailiffs to remove furniture, or gas men to shut off the gas supply."</p> <p>Methods of resistance were varied in practice. Often threats were <a href="https://rahu.org.au/wp-content/uploads/2020/08/Sydneys-Anti-Eviction-Movement_-Community-or-Conspiracy_.pdf">sufficient</a> to keep a landlord from evicting a family. </p> <p>If not, a common <a href="https://rahu.org.au/wp-content/uploads/2020/08/Sydneys-Anti-Eviction-Movement_-Community-or-Conspiracy_.pdf">tactic</a> was for a large group of activists and neighbours to gather outside the house on eviction day and physically prevent the eviction. Sometimes this led to street fights with <a href="https://commonslibrary.org/lock-out-the-landlords-australian-anti-eviction-resistance/">police</a>. Protestors sometimes <a href="https://catalogue.nla.gov.au/Record/1106767">returned</a> in the wake of a successful eviction to raid and vandalise the property.</p> <p>Protestors went under armed siege in houses barricaded with sandbags and barbed wire. This culminated in a <a href="http://www5.austlii.edu.au/au/journals/ANZLawHisteJl/2007/2.pdf">series</a> of bloody battles with police in Sydney’s suburbs in mid-1931, and numerous arrests.</p> <h2>It’s not just what happened – it’s how we talk about it</h2> <p>Narratives both reflect and shape our world. Written history is interesting not just for the things that happened in the past, but for how we tell them.</p> <p>Just as the catastrophic effects of the 1929 crash were entwined with the escalating struggle between extreme left and right political ideologies, historians and writers have since taken various and even opposing viewpoints when it comes to interpreting the events of Australia’s Depression years and ascribing meaning to them.</p> <p>Was it a time of quiet stoicism that brought out the best in us as “battlers” and fostered a spirit of mateship that underpins who we are as a nation?</p> <p>Or did we push our fellow Australians onto the streets and into tin shacks and make people feel ashamed for needing help? As Wendy Lowenstein wrote in her landmark work of Depression oral history, <a href="https://catalogue.nla.gov.au/Record/69032">Weevils in the Flour</a>: "Common was the conviction that the most important thing was to own your own house, to keep out of debt, to be sober, industrious, and to mind your own business. One woman says, ‘My husband was out of work for five years during the Depression and no one ever knew […] Not even my own parents.’"</p> <p>This part of our history remains contested and narratives from this period - about “lifters and leaners” or the Australian “dream” of home ownership, for example – persist today.</p> <p>As Australia’s present housing crisis deepens, it’s worth highlighting we have been through housing crises before. Public discussion about housing and its relationship to poverty remain – as was the case in the Depression era – emotionally and politically charged.</p> <p>Our Depression-era shanty towns and eviction protests, as well as the way we remember them, are a reminder that what people say and do about the housing crisis today is not just about facts and figures. Above all, it reflects what we value and who we think we are.</p> <p><em>Image credits: Getty Images</em></p> <p><em>This article originally appeared on <a href="https://theconversation.com/shanty-towns-and-eviction-riots-the-radical-history-of-australias-property-market-185129" target="_blank" rel="noopener">The Conversation</a>. </em></p>

Real Estate

Placeholder Content Image

When to blow? Ben Fordham loses fans with radical stance

<p>One of the biggest neighbourhood debates is when to get out the power tools or lawnmower on a weekend.</p> <p>Ben Fordham weighed in on the topic on Wednesday morning after making a leaf blower admission on his 2GB Breakfast radio show.</p> <p>Despite loving his leaf blower, the power tool has cost him a few friends.</p> <p>"Look, I know it's not popular but that's just the way I feel. There are people that love leaf blowers, and there are people that hate leaf blowers, and I don't mind other people using them either," Ben said.</p> <p>"It's not like I just want to use my own and not let you use yours. Leaf blowers are fantastic. If that loses me a few friends, well, I'm sorry, it's just me."</p> <p>The topic of leaf blowers came up when a listener called up to talk about a "respectable" time to start the lawnmower on a Sunday morning.</p> <p>Darren called the open line to explain what he thought was a reasonable time, but it opened up a can of worms.</p> <p>"Mate, I think 8 o'clock is a respectable time, although it used to be 10 o'clock from memory, on a Sunday or public holiday, but that was an unwritten law," Darren said.</p> <p>"But my biggest gripe at the moment, I think, is the blower vacs."</p> <p>Darren explained he lives in a townhouse where there are eight in the block, and believes the blower vac is causing some tensions between neighbours.</p> <p>"Unfortunately you'll have one neighbour come out with a blower vac, do his area, another neighbour will be pee-d off because of the noise, come out and do his," Darren said.</p> <p>"My question is in today's world, with COVID and everything we have like that, if it's not strata, should it really be blower vacs? I might sound like a bit of a whinger, mate, but blower vacs at 8 am on a Sunday morning? Unfortunately, with lockdowns and things like what's been happening, you'll get neighbours — I'm in the situation where you'll get a bit of animosity."</p> <p>Darren said the age-old debate can cause conflict amongst neighbours if they find they're being woken up too early, and while he thinks 8 am is fine to start power tools, a bit of courtesy is needed.</p> <p>"I have confessed that I love a leaf blower. I don't use it early in the morning," Ben said.</p> <p>A man named Chris called up and his one question for Ben — and everyone else who uses one — was, "Where do you blow leaves?".</p> <p>Ben joked that he just blows them to his neighbours' yard, but clarified he just uses it on the path, blowing it back into the garden.</p> <p>There are official times where power tools, lawnmowers and leaf blowers can be used and it differs from state to state. Here are the times it's acceptable to use these items across the country:</p> <p><strong>New South Wales</strong></p> <ul> <li>8 am to 8 pm on Sundays and public holidays.</li> <li>7 am to 8 pm on any other day.</li> </ul> <p><strong>Victoria</strong></p> <ul> <li>7 am to 8 pm Monday to Friday.</li> <li>9 am to 8 pm on weekends and public holidays.</li> </ul> <p><strong>South Australia</strong></p> <ul> <li>8 am to 8 pm Monday to Saturday.</li> <li>9 am to 8 pm on Sunday.</li> </ul> <p><strong>Western Australia</strong></p> <ul> <li>7 am to 7 pm Monday to Saturday.</li> <li>9 am to 7 pm Sunday and public holidays.</li> </ul> <p><strong>Queensland</strong></p> <ul> <li>7 am to 7 pm Monday to Saturday.</li> <li>8 am to 7 pm Sunday or public holiday.</li> </ul> <p><strong>ACT</strong></p> <ul> <li>7 am to 8 pm Monday to Friday.</li> <li>8 am to 8 pm Sunday and public holidays.</li> </ul> <p><strong>Northern Territory</strong></p> <ul> <li>7 am to 7 pm Monday to Saturday.</li> <li>9 am to 6 pm Sunday and public holidays.</li> </ul> <p><strong>Tasmania</strong></p> <ul> <li>7 am to 8 pm Monday to Friday.</li> <li>9 am to 8 pm on Saturday.</li> <li>10 am to 8 pm Sunday and public holidays.</li> </ul>

Home & Garden

Placeholder Content Image

Dumping the royals without a referendum: Labor MP’s radical plan

<p>Labor MP Julian Hill is urging Australia to sever ties with the British monarchy and become a republic without a referendum.</p> <p>The Labor backbencher for Bruce, Victoria, is pushing for a plan to get state and federal MPs to vote to change royal succession laws.</p> <p>According to Hill, members of parliament should be responsible for changing the laws rather than the Australian public.</p> <p>If the proposal is accepted, Queen Elizabeth would be the country’s last ever monarch.</p> <p>“Like the majority of MPs, I believe our nation should have an Australian as our head of state,” Hill told parliament last week.</p> <p>“Our head of state should be a citizen not a foreigner. Our head of state should live here, not in Britain.”</p> <p>He is pushing for the Governor-General to become Australia’s head of state rather than a member of the royal family such as Prince Charles.</p> <p>The plan reveals that the Governor-General would serve five years in the position before a successor is appointed by the Chief Justice of the High Court.</p> <p>“This parliament should seriously examine a different and an easier way, which may well be legal,” said Hill.</p> <p>“I don’t believe we should have a president; we should stick with the Governor-General … and there should be a constitutional ban on any member of parliament becoming Governor-General, and on a Governor-General ever being elected to a parliament.”</p> <p>Hill is not a fan of the British royal family, saying he “could not give a hoot about their lives”.</p> <p>“If we have to, amend the laws to make the Governor-General the Queen, put him in drag if needed, as long as our head of state is in Australia,” said Hill.</p>

International Travel

Placeholder Content Image

War on drugs: NSW cop’s radical plan to shut down music festivals

<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">A senior official has told a NSW inquest that police should have the power to shut music festivals down if necessary. </span></p> <p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Detective Chief Inspector Gus Viera is no fan of music festivals and believe authorities should have the ability to stop an event early when the safety of the public is at risk. </span></p> <p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The officer told the NSW Coroners Court festivals should be restricted to a maximum of eight hours per day, as “marathon” 12-hour events give young people too much time to overheat and ingest illegal drugs. </span></p> <p><span style="font-weight: 400;"><img style="width: 0px; height: 0px;" src="https://oversixtydev.blob.core.windows.net/media/7829036/1-2.jpg" alt="" data-udi="umb://media/5e885e5e6f734af1ac836631417046cf" /></span></p> <p><span style="font-weight: 400;">"It's all bad," he told the inquest into MDMA-related deaths at music festivals, reported </span><a href="https://au.news.yahoo.com/inquest-hears-nsw-police-top-cop-power-shut-down-festivals-084156826.html"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Yahoo News. </span></a></p> <p><span style="font-weight: 400;">"As a father of two daughters, I wouldn't let them go. So no, I'm not a fan at all."</span></p> <p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Det Chief Insp Viera was the police commander at the 10-hour dance party </span><span style="font-weight: 400;">Knockout Circuz</span><span style="font-weight: 400;"> in December 2017 when Sydney man Nathan Tran died after swallowing MDMA capsules. </span></p> <p><span style="font-weight: 400;">After Mr Tran arrived at the medical tent at approximately 10:30 pm, the medical provider for the event said they were incapable of treating further “walk-ups” (possibly meaning drug overdoses), the detective said. </span></p> <p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The senior officer said he also wanted events to be forced to have light hallways and other areas between stages to assist people at the festival who are sick.</span></p> <p><span style="font-weight: 400;">"Police and roaming ambulance personnel can't identify anyone who is in trouble," he said.</span></p> <p><span style="font-weight: 400;">"It's impossible to see if anyone is unconscious."</span></p>

Legal

Placeholder Content Image

Health Minister radically backs down on My Health Record

<p>Federal Health Minister Greg Hunt has revealed the security changes coming to My Health digital records, amid privacy fears.</p> <p>Mr Hunt confirmed the My Health Record Act will be redrafted, following criticism over patients’ medical records being able to be accessed by police.</p> <p>“The amendment will ensure no record can be released to police or government agencies, for any purpose, without a court order," the statement said.</p> <p>"The Digital Health Agency’s policy is clear and categorical – no documents have been released in more than six years and no documents will be released without a court order. This will be enshrined in legislation."</p> <p>Mr Hunt said there has not yet been a record released without a court order, but the safeguard would be included in legislation – saying it would “remove any ambiguity on this matter”.</p> <p>"That just gives additional reassurance and additional protection for all Australians and it was important to the medical community," Mr Hunt told the <em>Today Show.</em></p> <p>Another change will see records be permanently deleted from the system if a patient opts out.</p> <p>Previously, medical records were to be kept for up to 130 years.</p> <p>“If you opt out, you either will never have a record or if you've had one, it will be deleted forever,” Mr Hunt said.</p> <p>While the President of the Australian Medical Association, Tony Bartone, welcomed the changes, he believes the opt out period for the system needs to be extended so people can make “an informed choice”.</p> <p>“In addition, we’ve also impressed upon the Minister that there’s a need to have some clear air, to ensure that the community has time to fully understand what is a My Health Record and what is entailed in the opt out process," Dr Bartone said.</p> <p>Shadow Health Minister Catherine King said the increased privacy protections were “completely adequate”.</p> <p>“Greg Hunt has completely bungled the roll out and he must do a great deal more to fully restore public trust in this important reform,” Ms King said.</p> <p>Are you concerned about the security or privacy of My Health Record? Let us know in the comments below. </p>

Caring

Placeholder Content Image

Total overhaul: Woolies unveils radically different new store

<p>Woolworths has quietly opened a new concept store which hopes to fundamentally change the way we shop with the retailer.</p> <p>Trying to break shopper’s habits of only visiting the supermarket once a week, the new store is designed to tempt you to visit as much as three times a day.</p> <p>Opened last month, the Woolworths Metro store on Sydney’s Pitt St Mall has been inspired by retailers in the densely populated urban centre of Hong Kong.</p> <p>In this Woolies, the supermarket isn’t your one-stop destination for your pantry staples, instead it has a “curated range” to keep you coming back for more, the company says.</p> <p>The traditional deli counter has been replaced by a large kitchen serving everything from hot roast dinners and curries, to on-trend poke bowls and salads.</p> <p>Woolies also wants to keep you in the store, offering a cafe, indoor seating area with phone chargers and microwaves and a sandwich press so you can even cook your own food.</p> <p>Woolworths’ Metro division managing director Steve Greentree told <u><a href="https://www.news.com.au/finance/business/retail/new-curated-store-woolworths-wants-you-to-shop-at-three-times-a-day/news-story/6bd6b77af166d57677d81b7e04a38d9d">news.com.au</a> </u>the Pitt Street store was “new and different, not traditional” and was serving as a tester with the best ideas likely to be introduced to your local suburban supermarket.</p> <p>“If you come into the city wanting lunch at the moment, you have to queue up at a food court but we have an offer that’s significantly cheaper,” Greentree told news.com.au.</p> <p>“We used to use a supermarket once or twice a week. What we’re building with this store is somewhere we serve you three times a day,” he said.</p> <p>“The first thing you see when you walk in is a cafe where you can get breakfast and then as you go through the day you can get lunch and then, as you head home, there’s a dinner solution.”</p> <p>However, there’s a price to pay if you drop into this new glitzy Woolies for your everyday groceries – the price tag is a tad more expensive than your average Woolworths store.</p> <p>The opening of the new concept Sydney branch comes as Coles announced on Thursday it would open its first convenience-sized store in Melbourne’s eastern suburbs by the end of the year.</p> <p>However, Coles will be playing catch up with Woolworths who have already launched 50 Metro-branded mini stores.</p> <p>Although Woolworths Metro stores aren’t new, the Pitt St store is a start of a new concept, Greentree said.</p> <p>“This store is a combination of everything we’ve learnt on a journey of 27 other stores as to how we get people through the front door and the food we serve,” he said.</p> <p>Scroll through the gallery above to take a look inside the new Woolies store. </p>

Money & Banking

Placeholder Content Image

Aldi's radical new plan

<p>German supermarket giant Aldi has submitted plans to Brisbane City council to convert one of its stores to a liquor shop, as part of a radical new plan to conquer the alcohol market.</p> <p>The retailer also criticised Queensland’s liquor licensing laws that currently prevent alcohol being sold in supermarkets, forcing Aldi to open a standalone bottle shop.</p> <p>Documents obtained by <em><strong><span style="text-decoration: underline;"><a href="https://au.news.yahoo.com/aldis-radical-plan-conquer-alcohol-market-222706554.html">7News</a></span></strong></em> reveal Aldi’s grand plans for the Ashgrove store, in Brisbane’s inner-northwest, included the “conversion of the existing… supermarket tenancy to an ALDI Liquor Barn”.</p> <p>“Aldi are kicking goals in the supermarket business, growing at a rate of knots and the alcohol business is a strong part of their mix,” retail expert Brian Walker said.</p> <p>Queensland legislation also requires companies to own a pub before it can be granted a liquor licence, which explains ALDI’s development application to build a tavern.</p> <p>However, the supermarket denied the move despite plans being lodged with Brisbane City Council.</p> <p>“This concept was explored as an option for Queensland customers but we can confirm we have no plans to do so,” an ALDI spokesperson told 7News.</p> <p>If the plan does progress the development would be the Aldi’s first push into Queensland’s alcohol market.</p> <p>“ALDI is able to give the big guys a run for their money,” wine communicator Tyson Stelzer said.</p> <p> “It’ll engage these retailers into a price war effectively. ALDI will be very strong and aggressive in their pricing,” Mr Stelzer said.</p>

Money & Banking

Placeholder Content Image

Australia's radical $4 billion plan to ditch rental bonds

<p>A new plan could see rental bonds become a thing of the past and instead renters would purchase “bond cover” that could potentially cost them 10 times less than a tradition bond.</p> <p>“Rental bonds are painful for renters and they are painful for landlords. Across Australia $4 billion worth of bonds are being held by state governments for years at a time and yet most renters always do the right thing,” said Justin Butterworth, whose startup Snug is advocating the new bond cover model.</p> <p>“We believe rental bonds are a tax on renters to pay for the rental system.”</p> <p>However, tenant advocates believe that bond cover is effectively asking people to fork out an annual fee to access their own cash.</p> <p>Rental bonds generally equal one month’s rent and are held by state government controlled rental boards until the end of the lease.</p> <p>Around Australia, there is around $4 billion tied up in rental bonds and in NSW alone, there is $1.3 billion.</p> <p>State governments earn interest on the bond, which pays for support services for tenants including loans for those who are unable to pay for an upfront bond.</p> <p>Comparison website <a href="https://www.finder.com.au/" target="_blank"><strong><span style="text-decoration: underline;">finder.com.au</span></strong></a> found that people under 24 were more likely to lose all or some of their bond, with the main reasons being due to unpaid rent or water bills, unpaid fees for breaking the lease early or property damage.</p> <p>In 2015-2016, the average bond amounted to $1657 and 55 per cent of bonds were returned in full, according to the NSW Rental Board.</p> <p>Mr Butterworth told <a href="http://www.news.com.au/finance/economy/australian-economy/radical-plan-that-could-see-the-end-to-the-4bn-of-renters-cash-tied-up-in-rental-bonds/news-story/b7f7f907497337260002a45116bf6bd8" target="_blank"><strong><span style="text-decoration: underline;">news.com.au</span></strong></a> that renters should be rewarded for their trust.</p> <p>“Many people rent for years at a time and we found the default rate was very low; a very large amount of renters do the right thing and Australian renters can be trusted. So why do we have bonds, there must be a better way?</p> <p>“If billions of dollars of renters’ capital is being held by the states, they are generating interest that is not going to tenants.</p> <p>“Many renters have student debt, health and life expenses but have thousands of dollars tied up in their bond.”</p> <p>Mr Butterworth’s company Snug focuses on allowing tenants to apply for a bond cover “certificate of guarantee” that is renewed annually.</p> <p>If the tenants have problems at the end of the lease, Snug commits to paying anything owed and the amount is then claimed from the renter.</p> <p>If a claim arose, the landlord and renter would resolve it. However, if that didn’t work, Snug would assess the claim’s validity and then resolve it quickly.</p> <p>"We don’t need four weeks to work out how much a carpet stain in Surry Hills is worth,” said Mr Butterworth, who insisted they would be fair judges on who was at fault.</p> <p>Senior policy officer at the Tenants Union of NSW, Leo Patterson Ross, agreed that renting was becoming increasingly difficult.</p> <p>“Rents are getting higher and so bonds are getting higher and that means there are very legitimate concerns that the barrier to becoming a tenant is being raised. Most bonds are returned so there’s a question mark over what their use is,” he told news.com.au.</p> <p>However, Mr Ross was sceptical that bond cover was better than the current model.</p> <p>“Bonds ensure you have money set aside and if something does go wrong you don’t have to (risk going) through a debt collection agency.”</p> <p>“They’re charging you to keep your own money, and if at the end of the lease there is a problem with the lease you still have to pay for it.”</p> <p>The Tenants Union would prefer to see help in terms of Government loans given to those struggling to pay an upfront bond, over the bond cover resolution.</p> <p>Mr Butterworth said the ACT was the state government most enthusiastic about bond cover with Snug while Queensland had decided to hold off launching.  </p> <p>Do you like the idea of bond cover? Share your thoughts in the comments below. </p> <p> </p>

Money & Banking

Placeholder Content Image

Why school grades and reports could be scrapped under a radical new plan

<p><span>School reports could be a thing of the past under a radical proposal to have students taught according to their ability, not their age.</span></p> <p><span>The Australian Council for Educational Research (ACER) has put forward a controversial submission to a federal government review into schools.</span></p> <p><span>The ACER wants to end the existing school system where students are graded on the content they have learnt, with marks ranging from A to E.</span></p> <p><span>The independent non-profit group argued there were advanced Year 3 students who could read at the same standard as an average Year 9 student.</span></p> <p><span>“We can no longer pretend that students of the same age are more or less equally ready for the same learning experience,” its submission, cited by The Australian, said.</span></p> <p><span>“The problem with A to E grades and similar methods of reporting is that they do not show where students are in their long-term learning or indicate progress over time.”</span></p> <p><span>The researchers also believe it is better to replace end-of-term school reports with “more informative, ongoing forms of communication”.</span></p> <p><span>Federal Education Minister Simon Birmingham said that he wasn’t keen on no longer grading students.</span></p> <p><span>“Progression should be considered against both the starting abilities of a student and relative to their year level expectations of competency,” he told The Australian. </span></p> <p><span>The Review to Achieve Educational Excellence in Australian Schools is due to deliver a final report and recommendations to the Turnbull Government in March 2018.</span></p> <p><span>What do you think of these proposed changes to scrap grading and reports in schools? Let us know in the comments below.</span></p>

Books

Placeholder Content Image

The radical idea offering hope for millions of Aussies suffering from autoimmune disease

<p><strong>Professor Chris Goodnow, Deputy Director of the Garvan Institute of Medical Research, talks about the radical idea that’s offering hope for millions of Australians currently suffering from autoimmune disease.</strong></p> <p>Autoimmune diseases are on the rise in Australia, and fast becoming a problem for our already-stretched healthcare system. One in 8 people will be affected by an autoimmune disease like arthritis, multiple sclerosis, Type 1 diabetes and coeliac disease at some point in their life. These conditions can have a devastating effect, not just on patients, but on their family members and friends as well.</p> <p>While much about autoimmune disease remains a mystery, early findings from research at the Garvan Institute offers hope, with many believing it it may lead to a cure.</p> <p><strong>What we know about autoimmune disease</strong></p> <p>Most of our understanding of autoimmune disease is restricted to what’s going on in the body. We know autoimmune disease occurs when the body attacks and damages its own tissue, we know the symptoms, we have methods to manage these diseases as best we can, and we know what to expect when someone’s diagnosed. What’s less clear, and what the Garvan Institute’s Hope Research project is trying to answer, is why the immune system is doing this, and whether this is curable.</p> <p><img width="499" height="555" src="https://oversixtydev.blob.core.windows.net/media/7268400/artwork-2_499x555.jpg" alt="Artwork 2" style="display: block; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"/></p> <p><strong>How close are we to understanding causes?</strong></p> <p>The encouraging news is we’re closer to an understanding than we’ve ever been, which could one day lead to a cure. The Garvan Institute has been leading the way in autoimmune disease research, thanks largely to work spearheaded by a radical hypothesis from the organisation’s Deputy Director, Professor Chris Goodnow.</p> <p>Over a decade ago, Professor Goodnow theorised that there was a common cause for all autoimmune diseases – disruptions in the immune system’s clever “checkpoint” process causing “rogue clone” cells to spread and replicate.</p> <p>The technology to put this theory to the test didn’t exist previously. But recent advances have given Professor Goodnow and his team the ability to isolate individual disease-causing cells from the blood of patients and target the “rogue clones”. And this has far-reaching implications of the management and treatment of these diseases.</p> <p>“For the last 10 years, we’ve had a pretty good idea as to what might cause autoimmune disease, and we’ve figured out many of the mechanisms that normally stop it. But we haven’t had the tools and the technology to be able to test those ideas,” Professor Goodnow explains.</p> <p>“In the last three years, we’ve acquired the tools and technology here at the Garvan Institute. We are now bringing them together with a fantastic team of medical experts at the major hospitals around Sydney to really focus those tools and know-how on cracking this problem.”</p> <p><strong>Why it’s important to understand the causes of autoimmune disease</strong></p> <p>While many autoimmune diseases can be managed, there’s yet no cure. But the revolutionary research from Professor Goodnow and the team at the Garvan Institute suggests this is about to change. If researchers can pin down the “rogue cells” and what prompted them to go rogue, they could theoretically use existing immunotherapies and drugs to eradicate them from the body, targeting the disease at the source.</p> <p>The Garvan Institute has already made exciting strides through the work of Dr Joanne Reed, who put Professor Goodnow’s theory to the test in a pilot study for Sjögren’s syndrome. The results she recorded were nothing short of spectacular.</p> <p>“Excitingly, our pilot study has already identified disease causing rogue clones in Sjögren’s syndrome,” Dr Reed says.</p> <p>“We’ll now apply this discovery to 36 clinically diverse autoimmune diseases.”</p> <p><img width="500" height="334" src="https://oversixtydev.blob.core.windows.net/media/7268452/rsz_joanne_reed_with_etienne_masle-farquhar2_500x334.jpg" alt="Rsz _joanne _reed _with _etienne _masle -farquhar2" style="display: block; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"/></p> <p><strong>The challenges of this revolutionary research?</strong></p> <p>As is often the case, progress in the world of science doesn’t come cheap. The costs associated with the Hope Research project’s revolutionary work are substantial.</p> <p>“To identify the rogue cells in one person costs thousands of dollars; to identify the mutations in those rogue cells costs $5,000-$20,000. It will get cheaper the more we do it, and the more the technology continues to mature,” Professor Goodnow says.</p> <p>“You could say we should just wait 10 years, until the technology has gotten cheaper, but we can’t wait. We want to know the root cause of autoimmune disease <em>now</em>. We’ve got the technology. We know what we need to do. We just need the resources to do it.”</p> <p><strong>How you can help</strong></p> <p>Contributing funds to the Garvan Institute is a good way to start, and you’ll be surprised how far your dollar goes to tackling autoimmune disease.</p> <p>As Professor Goodnow says, “For every dollar you give, we will leverage that many, many times over, in terms of being able to reach a cure for these diseases.”</p> <p><a href="https://www.garvan.org.au/foundation/give-hope/?utm_source=fairfax&amp;utm_medium=sponsoredcontent&amp;utm_campaign=give_hope" target="_blank"><span style="text-decoration: underline;"><strong>You can contribute</strong></span></a> to Garvan’s fight against autoimmune disease. Visit <span style="text-decoration: underline;"><strong><a href="https://www.garvan.org.au/foundation/give-hope/?utm_source=fairfax&amp;utm_medium=sponsoredcontent&amp;utm_campaign=give_hope" target="_blank">garvan.org.au/give-hope</a></strong></span><a href="#_msocom_1"></a></p> <div>THIS IS SPONSORED CONTENT BROUGHT TO YOU IN CONJUNCTION WITH THE GARVAN INSTITUTE.</div>

Caring

Placeholder Content Image

Secret plan for radical hospital overhaul leaked

<p>Leaked documents obtained by <strong><span style="text-decoration: underline;"><a href="http://www.smh.com.au/federal-politics/political-news/leaked-documents-reveal-secret-plan-for-radical-hospital-overhaul-20170528-gweri6.html">Fairfax Media</a></span></strong> show the nation’s top government officials are considering a radical hospital overhaul.</p> <p>The secret taskforce is developing a proposal for a “Commonwealth Hospital Benefit”, a new funding formula for public and private hospitals.</p> <p>Fairfax Media understands that under the proposed plan, the private health insurance rebate would be scrapped, consumers charged more for extras cover and the states would be forced to find more money for public hospitals as federal funding would be reduced.</p> <p>The Commonwealth would combine the $20 billion it currently gives to public hospitals each year with the $3 billion it pays the private sector and the $6 billion it spends on the rebate.</p> <p>The “pooled” money would be used to pay a standard benefit for services. This is regardless of whether they are performed in a public or private hospital, or whether people choose public or private.</p> <p>Currently, the Commonwealth pays approximately 40 per cent of the cost of public hospitals. Under the proposed scheme, this would be reduced to 35 per cent.</p> <p>"States would be required to meet the balance of the cost for public patients thus maintaining free public hospital services," says the department's presentation. </p>

Body

Our Partners