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Unusual use of nicotine patches or gum to fight brain fog

<div class="theconversation-article-body"> Some people with long COVID are turning to an unlikely remedy: nicotine gum and patches. Though typically used to quit smoking, nicotine is now being explored as a possible way to ease symptoms such as brain fog and fatigue. One such case, detailed in a recent <a href="https://slate.com/technology/2025/06/nicotine-gum-patch-cigarettes-cognitive-benefits-research.html">article in Slate</a>, describes a woman who found significant relief from debilitating brain fog after trying low-dose nicotine gum. Her experience, while anecdotal, aligns with findings from a small but interesting study from Germany. The <a href="https://bioelecmed.biomedcentral.com/articles/10.1186/s42234-023-00104-7">study</a> involved four participants suffering from symptoms related to long COVID. The researcher administered low-dose nicotine patches once daily and noticed marked improvements in the participants’ symptoms. Tiredness, weakness, shortness of breath and trouble with exercise rapidly improved – by day six at the latest. For those who had lost their sense of taste or smell, it took longer, but these senses came back fully within 16 days. Although it’s not possible to draw definitive conclusions on cause and effect from such a small study, the results could pave the way for larger studies. While some people slowly recover from COVID, others remain unwell for years, especially those who became sick before vaccines were available. Between <a href="https://www.ox.ac.uk/news/2024-08-01-new-study-highlights-scale-and-impact-long-covid">3% and 5%</a> of people continue to experience symptoms months, and sometimes even years, after the initial infection. In the UK, long COVID affects around <a href="https://www.ons.gov.uk/peoplepopulationandcommunity/healthandsocialcare/conditionsanddiseases/bulletins/prevalenceofongoingsymptomsfollowingcoronaviruscovid19infectionintheuk/4august2022">2.8% of the population</a>. Brain fog and other neurological symptoms of long COVID are thought to result from a combination of factors – including inflammation, reduced oxygen to the brain, vascular damage and disruption to the <a href="https://www.cidrap.umn.edu/covid-19/researchers-identify-mechanism-behind-brain-fog-long-covid">blood-brain barrier</a>. Research continues as there is still a lot we don’t know about this condition. The researcher in the German study thinks that long COVID symptoms, such as fatigue, brain fog and mood changes, might partly be due to problems with a brain chemical called acetylcholine, a neurotransmitter. This chemical is important for many functions in the body, including memory, attention and regulating mood. Normally, acetylcholine works by attaching to special “docking sites” on cells called nicotinic acetylcholine receptors, which help send signals in the brain and nervous system. But the COVID virus may interfere with these receptors, either by blocking them or disrupting how they work. When this happens, the brain may not be able to send signals properly, which could contribute to the mental and physical symptoms seen in long COVID. So why would nicotine potentially be useful? Nicotine binds to the same receptors and might help restore normal signalling, but the idea that it displaces the virus directly is still speculative. Nicotine is available in different forms, such as patches, gum, lozenges and sprays. Using nicotine through the skin, for example, with a patch, keeps the amount in the blood steady without big spikes. Because of this, people in the study didn’t seem to develop a dependence on it. Chewing nicotine gum or using a lozenge can cause spikes in nicotine levels, since the nicotine is absorbed gradually through the lining of the mouth. But unlike a patch, which delivers a steady dose, the user has more control over how much nicotine they take in when using gum or lozenges. There are mixed <a href="https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/33899218/">results</a> on the effectiveness of nicotine on cognitive functions such as memory and concentration. But most <a href="https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/36736944/">studies</a> agree that it can enhance attention. Larger studies are needed to gauge the effectiveness of nicotine specifically for long COVID symptoms. <h2>Not without risks</h2> Despite its benefits, nicotine is <a href="https://www.verywellmind.com/nicotine-addiction-101-2825018">not without risks</a>. Even in gum or patch form, it can cause side-effects like nausea, dizziness, increased heart rate and higher blood pressure. Some of these stimulant effects on heart rate may be useful for people with long COVID symptoms such as exercise intolerance. But this needs to be closely monitored. Long-term use may also affect heart health. For non-smokers, the risk of developing a nicotine dependency is a serious concern. So are there any options to treat long COVID symptoms? There are some <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2667257X22001000">studies</a> looking at guanfacine in combination with N-acetylcysteine, which have shown improvement in brain fog in small groups of people. There has been at least <a href="https://clinicaltrials.gov/study/NCT02720445">one clinical trial</a> exploring nicotine for mild cognitive impairment in older adults, though not in the context of long COVID. Given that anecdotal reports and small studies continue to draw attention, it is likely that targeted trials are in development. The main <a href="https://www.nhsinform.scot/long-term-effects-of-covid-19-long-covid/signs-and-symptoms/long-covid-brain-fog/">recommendations</a> by experts are to implement lifestyle measures. Slowly increasing exercise, having a healthy diet, avoiding alcohol, drugs and smoking, sleeping enough, practising mindfulness and doing things that stimulate the brain are all thought to help brain fog. For those grappling with long COVID or persistent brain fog, the idea of using nicotine patches or gum might be tempting. But experts caution against self-medicating with nicotine. The lack of standardised dosing and the potential for addiction and unknown long-term effects make it a risky experiment. While nicotine isn’t a cure and may carry real risks, its potential to ease long COVID symptoms warrants careful study. For now, those battling brain fog should approach it with caution – and always under medical supervision. What’s clear, though, is the urgent need for more research into safe, effective treatments for the lingering effects of COVID.<img style="border: none !important; box-shadow: none !important; margin: 0 !important; max-height: 1px !important; max-width: 1px !important; min-height: 1px !important; min-width: 1px !important; opacity: 0 !important; outline: none !important; padding: 0 !important;" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/259093/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" /> By <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/dipa-kamdar-1485027">Dipa Kamdar</a>, Senior Lecturer in Pharmacy Practice, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/kingston-university-949">Kingston University</a> This article is republished from <a href="https://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/some-people-are-turning-to-nicotine-gum-and-patches-to-treat-long-covid-brain-fog-259093">original article</a>. Image: Wikimedia Commons </div>

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How Iran will likely retaliate following US military strikes

US President Donald Trump’s decision to launch airstrikes on Iran’s nuclear facilities has plunged the Middle East into renewed uncertainty, with fears escalating over how Tehran might respond in the coming days. Speaking from Istanbul on Sunday, Iran’s Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi condemned the strikes as a “grave violation” of the UN Charter, international law, and the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). In a statement posted to social media, Araghchi warned that Iran has “a variety of options” for retaliation. “The events this morning are outrageous and will have everlasting consequences,” Araghchi said. “In accordance with the UN Charter and its provisions allowing a legitimate response in self-defence, Iran reserves all options to defend its sovereignty, interests, and people.” UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres voiced deep concern over the escalation, warning of a “growing risk that this conflict could rapidly get out of control”. Potential Flashpoints for Retaliation Experts say Iran could target US military interests across the region. With around 40,000 US troops stationed at 19 sites in the Middle East – including 2,500 in Iraq – Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) may turn to its network of proxies in Iraq, Syria, and Yemen. The Iran-backed Houthi rebels have already hinted at renewed attacks on US ships in the Red Sea, calling for Trump to “bear the consequences” of the strikes. Iran might also seek to disrupt global oil trade by attempting to close the Strait of Hormuz, a vital shipping lane for 20 million barrels of oil per day. Such a move could send shockwaves through global markets, pushing up oil prices and jeopardising Trump’s economic agenda. Meanwhile, hardline voices in Tehran are calling for missile strikes in retaliation. Hossein Shariatmadari, a prominent adviser to Iran’s Supreme Leader, warned that after the US attack on the Fordow nuclear facility, “it is now our turn.” Nuclear Fallout Analysts fear that Trump’s actions could push Iran to abandon diplomacy altogether and accelerate its nuclear ambitions. Trita Parsi of the Quincy Institute said the strike “guaranteed that Iran will be a nuclear weapons state in the next five to 10 years”, particularly if hardliners take power. There is also speculation that Iran may withdraw from the NPT, removing one of the last formal restraints on its nuclear program. Ali Vaez of the International Crisis Group said an NPT withdrawal is “quite likely.” A War of Attrition or Asymmetric Warfare? Faced with overwhelming US and Israeli military power, Iran could opt for a war of attrition, using asymmetric tactics such as cyberattacks and terrorism to wear down its adversaries. The IRGC, while damaged by Israeli strikes, still retains the capacity to carry out operations both within and beyond the region, experts say. The Diplomatic Deadlock Hopes for renewed nuclear talks appear dim. Araghchi said on Sunday that the US had “blown up” diplomatic efforts, accusing both Washington and Tel Aviv of sabotaging negotiations. While talks with European powers reportedly made some progress last week, analysts say the latest escalation has likely shut the door on diplomacy – at least for now. “Their aim is to force Trump to stop Netanyahu’s war,” said Parsi, referring to Israel’s Prime Minister. “But by doing so, Tehran may have handed Israel a veto on US-Iran diplomacy.” As the world watches for Tehran’s next move, the stakes could hardly be higher – for Iran, for the region and for global stability. Images: Supplied

Legal

‘Not available in your region’: what is a VPN and how can I use one safely?

<div class="theconversation-article-body"> “This video is not available in your location”. It’s a message familiar to many people trying to watch global content online. But beneath this frustration lies a deeper question – how do we navigate digital borders safely and ethically? As our digital lives expand, so too does our desire for access. Maybe you want to see the latest streaming shows before they arrive in your country. Maybe you’re a sports fan wanting to watch live broadcasts of international events. Or perhaps you need to log into your company’s secure intranet while at home or overseas. Enter the virtual private network (VPN) – a technology that’s become as essential as antivirus software for many. With many commercial and free VPN providers on the market, interest in these services <a href="https://www.comparitech.com/vpn/vpn-statistics/">has grown in recent years</a>. <h2>How does a VPN work?</h2> A <a href="https://computingaustralia.com.au/5-minute-helpdesk-what-is-a-vpn-and-why-should-i-use-one/">VPN</a> is like a secure tunnel between your device and the internet. When you use a VPN, your <a href="https://www.esafety.gov.au/key-topics/online-tools-and-features/encryption">internal traffic is scrambled into unreadable data</a> and routed through a remote server, which also masks your real IP address. Think of it like this: instead of sending a postcard with your return address, you send it in an envelope to a trusted friend overseas who mails it on your behalf. To anyone looking at the envelope, it looks like the message came from your friend and not you. This technique shields your identity, protects your data from snoopers, and tricks websites into thinking you are browsing from another location. While often marketed as <a href="https://www.le-vpn.com/australia-cyber-privacy-vpn/">tools for online privacy</a>, VPNs have grown popular for another reason: access. Many people use VPNs to access geo-blocked content, secure their internet activity, work remotely – <a href="https://www.cyber.gov.au/protect-yourself/staying-secure-online/security-tips-remote-working">especially when handling sensitive data</a> – and protect against online tracking and targeted advertising. <h2>VPNs are legal, if a bit grey</h2> VPN services are offered by dozens of providers globally. Companies such as NordVPN, ProtonVPN, ExpressVPN and Surfshark offer paid subscriptions with strong security guarantees. Free VPNs also exist but come with caveats (more on this in a moment). In <a href="https://us.norton.com/blog/privacy/are-vpns-legal">most countries</a>, including <a href="https://www.cyber.gov.au/protect-yourself/staying-secure-online/connecting-to-public-wi-fi">Australia</a>, using a VPN is completely legal. However, what makes it murky is what one might use it for. While using a VPN is legal, engaging in illegal activities while using one remains prohibited. Streaming services like Netflix or Disney+ license content by region. Using a VPN to access a foreign catalogue may violate their terms of service and potentially be grounds for account suspension. Australian law does not criminalise accessing geo-blocked content via VPN, but the copyright act does prohibit circumventing “technological protection measures” in certain cases. The grey area lies in enforcement. Technically, copyright law does ban getting around certain protections. However, the <a href="https://www.copyright.org.au/browse/book/ACC-Geoblocking%2C-VPNs-%26-Copyright-INFO127">latest advice does not mention</a> any cases where regular users have been taken to court for this kind of behaviour. So far, enforcement has mostly targeted websites and platforms that host or enable large-scale copyright infringement; not everyday viewers who want to watch a show a bit early. <h2>Beware of ‘free’ VPNs</h2> Not all VPNs are created equal. While premium services invest in strong encryption and privacy protections, free VPNs often make money by collecting user data – <a href="https://www.choice.com.au/electronics-and-technology/internet/connecting-to-the-internet/buying-guides/vpn-services">the very thing you may be trying to avoid</a>. Risks of unsafe VPNs include data leaks, injection of ads or trackers into your browsing, and malware and spyware, <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2017-01-25/viruses-spyware-found-in-alarming-number-of-android-vpn-apps/8210796">especially in free mobile apps</a> that claim to provide a VPN service. Using a poorly designed or dishonest VPN is like hiring a bodyguard who sells your location. It might give the impression of safety, but you may actually be more vulnerable than before. <h2>Okay, so how do I choose a VPN?</h2> With so many VPNs available, both free and paid, it can be hard to know which one to trust. If you are considering a VPN, here are five things to look for. <a href="https://www.expressvpn.com/what-is-vpn/policy-towards-logs">No-log policy</a>. A trustworthy VPN should have a strict no-log policy, meaning it does not store any records of your internet activity, connection time or IP address. This ensures even if the VPN provider is hacked, subpoenaed or pressured by a government, they have nothing to hand over. Strong encryption standards. Encryption is what makes your data unreadable to anyone snooping on your connection, such as hackers on public WiFi or your internet provider. A somewhat technical thing to look out for is <a href="https://www.kiteworks.com/risk-compliance-glossary/aes-256-encryption/">AES 256-bit encryption</a> – it’s extremely secure and is used by banks and governments. Independent audits. Reliable VPN services <a href="https://vpncentral.com/nordvpn-reaffirms-no-log-claims-with-fifth-deloitte-audit/">voluntarily undergo third-party audits</a> to verify their privacy claims and the security of their infrastructure. Kill switch. A kill switch is a critical safety feature that automatically blocks internet traffic if the VPN connection drops. This prevents your real IP address and data from being exposed, even momentarily. Jurisdiction. VPNs are subject to the laws of the country they are based in. The countries in the <a href="https://cyberinsider.com/5-eyes-9-eyes-14-eyes/">Five Eyes intelligence alliance</a> (Australia, Canada, United Kingdom, United States and New Zealand) may legally compel providers to hand over user data. If a VPN service has a strict no-log policy and does not collect information about what you do online, then even under legal pressure, there is nothing to hand over. So, you are safe. In an era of growing surveillance, cybercrime and corporate data collection, VPNs are essential tools for reclaiming your online privacy and data. But like any tool, the effectiveness (and ethics) of VPNs depend on how you use them. Next time you fire up your VPN, ask yourself – am I just dodging a digital border, or actively protecting my online freedom?<img style="border: none !important; box-shadow: none !important; margin: 0 !important; max-height: 1px !important; max-width: 1px !important; min-height: 1px !important; min-width: 1px !important; opacity: 0 !important; outline: none !important; padding: 0 !important;" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/256559/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" /> By <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/meena-jha-542776">Meena Jha</a>, Head Technology and Pedagogy Cluster CML-NET, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/cquniversity-australia-2140">CQUniversity Australia</a> This article is republished from <a href="https://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/not-available-in-your-region-what-is-a-vpn-and-how-can-i-use-one-safely-256559">original article</a>. </div>

Technology

Most of us will leave behind a large ‘digital legacy’ when we die. Here’s how to plan what happens to it

<div class="theconversation-article-body"> Imagine you are planning the funeral music for a loved one who has died. You can’t remember their favourite song, so you try to login to their Spotify account. Then you realise the account login is inaccessible, and with it has gone their personal history of Spotify playlists, annual “wrapped” analytics, and liked songs curated to reflect their taste, memories, and identity. We tend to think about inheritance in physical terms: money, property, personal belongings. But the vast volume of digital stuff we accumulate in life and leave behind in death is now just as important – and this “<a href="https://digitallegacyassociation.org">digital legacy</a>” is probably more meaningful. Digital legacies are increasingly complex and evolving. They include now-familiar items such as social media and banking accounts, along with our stored photos, videos and messages. But they also encompass virtual currencies, behavioural tracking data, and even AI-generated avatars. This digital data is not only fundamental to our online identities in life, but to our inheritance in death. So how can we properly plan for what happens to it? <h2>A window into our lives</h2> Digital legacy is commonly classified into two categories: <a href="https://www.esafety.gov.au/key-topics/digital-wellbeing/what-happens-to-your-digital-accounts-after-you-die">digital assets and digital presence</a>. Digital assets include items with economic value. For example, domain names, financial accounts, monetised social media, online businesses, virtual currencies, digital goods, and personal digital IP. Access to these is spread across platforms, hidden behind passwords or restricted by privacy laws. Digital presence includes content with no monetary value. However, it may have great personal significance. For example, our photos and videos, social media profiles, email or chat threads, and other content archived in cloud or platform services. There is also data that might not seem like content. It may not even seem to belong to us. This includes analytics data such as health and wellness app tracking data. It also includes behavioural data such as location, search or viewing history collected from platforms such as Google, Netflix and Spotify. This data reveals patterns in our preferences, passions, and daily life that can hold intimate meaning. For example, knowing the music a loved one listened to on the day they died. Digital remains now also include scheduled <a href="https://go-paige.com/memories/">posthumous messages</a> or <a href="https://www.hereafter.ai">AI-generated avatars</a>. All of this raises both practical and ethical questions about identity, privacy, and corporate power over our digital afterlives. Who has the right to access, delete, or transform this data? <h2>Planning for your digital remains</h2> Just as we prepare wills for physical possessions, we need to plan for our digital remains. Without clear instructions, important digital data may be lost and inaccessible to our loved ones. In 2017, I helped develop key recommendations for <a href="https://accan.org.au/files/Grants/Death%20and%20the%20Internet_2017-web.pdf">planning your digital legacy</a>. These include: <ul> <li>creating an inventory of accounts and assets, recording usernames and login information, and if possible, downloading personal content for local storage</li> <li>specifying preferences in writing, noting wishes about what content should be preserved, deleted, or shared – and with whom</li> <li>using password managers to securely store and share access to information and legacy preferences</li> <li>designating a <a href="https://www.tonkinlaw.com/resources/digital-estate-planning-victoria-safeguarding-online-assets/">digital executor</a> who has legal authority to carry out your digital legacy wishes and preferences, ideally with legal advice</li> <li>using legacy features on available platforms, such as <a href="https://www.facebook.com/help/1070665206293088">Facebook’s Legacy Contact</a>, <a href="https://support.google.com/accounts/answer/3036546?hl=en">Google’s Inactive Account Manager</a>, or <a href="https://digital-legacy.apple.com">Apple’s Digital Legacy</a>.</li> </ul> <h2>What if your loved one left no plan?</h2> These steps may sound uncontroversial. But digital wills remain uncommon. And without them, managing someone’s digital legacy can be fraught with legal and technical barriers. Platform terms of service and privacy rules often prevent access by anyone other than the account holder. They can also require official documentation such as a death certificate before granting limited access to download or close an account. In such instances, gaining access will probably only be possible through imperfect workarounds, such as searching online for traces of someone’s digital life, attempting to use account recovery tools, or scouring personal documents for login information. <figure><iframe src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/WmQH27MNLz8?wmode=transparent&start=0" width="440" height="260" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe></figure> <h2>The need for better standards</h2> Current platform policies have clear limitations for handling digital legacies. For example, policies are inconsistent. They are also typically limited to memorialising or deleting accounts. With no unified framework, service providers often prioritise data privacy over family access. Current tools prioritise visible content such as profiles or posts. However, they exclude less visible yet equally valuable (and often more meaningful) behavioural data such as listening habits. Problems can also arise when data is removed from its original platform. For example, photos from Facebook can lose their social and relational meaning without their associated comment threads, reactions, or interactivity. Meanwhile, emerging uses of posthumous data, especially AI-generated avatars, raise urgent issues about digital personhood, ownership, and possible harms. These “digital remains” may be stored indefinitely on commercial servers without standard protocols for curation or user rights. The result is a growing tension between personal ownership and corporate control. This makes digital legacy not only a matter of individual concern but one of digital governance. <a href="https://www.archivists.org.au/community/representation/standards-australias-committee-it-21-records-management-and-archives">Standards Australia</a> and the <a href="https://dcj.nsw.gov.au/news-and-media/media-releases-archive/2022/reform-to-allow-data-access-after-death.html">New South Wales Law Reform Commission</a> have recognised this. Both organisations are seeking <a href="https://lawreform.nsw.gov.au/documents/Current-projects/Digital%20assets/Preliminary%20submissions/PDI10.pdf">consultation</a> to develop frameworks that address inconsistencies in platform standards and user access. Managing our digital legacies demands more than practical foresight. It compels critical reflection on the infrastructures and values that shape our online afterlives.<img style="border: none !important; box-shadow: none !important; margin: 0 !important; max-height: 1px !important; max-width: 1px !important; min-height: 1px !important; min-width: 1px !important; opacity: 0 !important; outline: none !important; padding: 0 !important;" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/257121/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" /> By <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/bjorn-nansen-102356">Bjorn Nansen</a>, Associate Professor, School of Computing and Information Systems, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/the-university-of-melbourne-722">The University of Melbourne</a> This article is republished from <a href="https://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/most-of-us-will-leave-behind-a-large-digital-legacy-when-we-die-heres-how-to-plan-what-happens-to-it-257121">original article</a>. Image: Pexels / Mart Production </div>

Sussan Ley elected first female leader of the Liberal Party

Sussan Ley has been elected as the new leader of the Liberal Party, defeating shadow treasurer Angus Taylor in a tightly contested party room vote, 29 to 25. In doing so, she becomes Australia’s first female opposition leader and the most senior woman in the party’s 80-year history. The leadership spill followed the Liberal Party’s devastating loss in the federal election on May 3, which saw then-leader Peter Dutton lose his seat in a historic defeat. The party convened at Parliament House on Tuesday morning to determine a new leadership team and chart a path forward. Ley, 63, has been a Liberal MP since 2001 and most recently served as deputy leader under Dutton. A former environment and health minister, she represents the regional New South Wales seat of Farrer. Her election marks the first time since the 1990s that a regionally based politician has led the federal opposition. Chief opposition whip Melissa Price announced the result just after 10:15am. Ted O’Brien, a Queensland MP and former energy spokesman, was elected deputy leader with 38 votes, defeating Phil Thompson, who received 16. Jacinta Nampijinpa Price, who had been expected to stand as Taylor’s deputy, withdrew from the contest following Taylor’s leadership loss. Born in Kano, Nigeria, Ley has a diverse background, having worked as a wool and beef farmer, tax office executive, and pilot. A mother of three and grandmother of six, she has long been seen as a resilient figure in Liberal ranks. Her academic journey includes a bachelor’s degree in economics from La Trobe University and master’s degrees in tax and accounting. Ley's career in politics has spanned the leaderships of Tony Abbott, Malcolm Turnbull, and Scott Morrison. She resigned from cabinet in 2017 over an expenses controversy, but returned to hold industry and small business portfolios from 2022. In the wake of the party’s election defeat, Ley has called for a reset in direction and tone. Speaking last Friday, she acknowledged the loss as a wake-up call. “We suffered a significant election defeat and since then, I have been having many conversations with my colleagues, members of the community, members of the party, and everyday Australians. I have listened,” she said on Sunrise. “We got it wrong. We need to do things differently, going forward, and we do need a fresh approach.” Ley now faces the task of rebuilding the Liberal Party’s credibility and unity from the opposition benches, as it seeks to reconnect with voters and prepare for the next federal contest. Image: Instagram

Legal

Bindi Irwin rushed to hospital in the US

Conservationist and TV personality Bindi Irwin was rushed to hospital for emergency surgery in Las Vegas after suffering a ruptured appendix, her brother Robert Irwin confirmed over the weekend. The 26-year-old daughter of the late Steve Irwin had travelled to Las Vegas to attend the annual Steve Irwin Gala, which honours her father’s legacy and raises funds for Wildlife Warriors, the conservation organisation he founded. However, an unexpected medical crisis derailed her plans. “She’s going to be OK, but surgery – out of all the things we were ready for, that was not one of them,” said Robert Irwin, 21, in an interview with People at the gala. “She’s just come out the other side of endometriosis and now the appendix goes. Health is so important – it really is.” Bindi had reportedly intended to attend the high-profile event despite experiencing severe discomfort. “She came to Las Vegas and was ready to come to the gala, put on a brave face in a lot of discomfort and a lot of pain and said, ‘Nope, I’m just going to tough it out, I’m going to go for it,’” Robert said. “But the surgeon said, ‘No, your appendix is going. That thing’s gotta come out.’ Health has to come first.” Their mother, Terri Irwin, 60, also skipped the gala to be by Bindi’s side during her recovery. “She’s very sad,” Robert said of his sister. “She’s devastated that she and Mum can’t be here, but I know she’ll make a speedy recovery.” “Bindi has become an incredible advocate for women’s health particularly," continued Robert, "and I think it’s really important to prioritise getting help.” Just a day before her hospitalisation, Bindi shared cheerful photos on social media alongside her mother and brother in Las Vegas. “Khaki by day – Bellagio chic by night! Here in #LasVegas for the #SteveIrwinGala raising funds and awareness for Wildlife Warriors,” she captioned the post. “Supporting conservation and remembering Dad’s extraordinary legacy.” <blockquote class="instagram-media" style="background: #FFF; border: 0; border-radius: 3px; box-shadow: 0 0 1px 0 rgba(0,0,0,0.5),0 1px 10px 0 rgba(0,0,0,0.15); margin: 1px; max-width: 540px; min-width: 326px; padding: 0; width: calc(100% - 2px);" data-instgrm-captioned="" data-instgrm-permalink="https://www.instagram.com/p/DJdlZ9zOTNd/?utm_source=ig_embed&utm_campaign=loading" data-instgrm-version="14"> <div style="padding: 16px;"> <div style="display: flex; flex-direction: row; align-items: center;"> <div style="background-color: #f4f4f4; border-radius: 50%; flex-grow: 0; height: 40px; margin-right: 14px; width: 40px;"> </div> <div style="display: flex; flex-direction: column; flex-grow: 1; justify-content: center;"> <div style="background-color: #f4f4f4; border-radius: 4px; flex-grow: 0; height: 14px; margin-bottom: 6px; width: 100px;"> </div> <div style="background-color: #f4f4f4; border-radius: 4px; flex-grow: 0; height: 14px; width: 60px;"> </div> </div> </div> <div style="padding: 19% 0;"> </div> <div style="display: block; height: 50px; margin: 0 auto 12px; width: 50px;"> </div> <div style="padding-top: 8px;"> <div style="color: #3897f0; font-family: Arial,sans-serif; font-size: 14px; font-style: normal; font-weight: 550; line-height: 18px;">View this post on Instagram</div> </div> <div style="padding: 12.5% 0;"> </div> <div style="display: flex; flex-direction: row; margin-bottom: 14px; align-items: center;"> <div> <div style="background-color: #f4f4f4; border-radius: 50%; height: 12.5px; width: 12.5px; transform: translateX(0px) translateY(7px);"> </div> <div style="background-color: #f4f4f4; height: 12.5px; transform: rotate(-45deg) translateX(3px) translateY(1px); width: 12.5px; flex-grow: 0; margin-right: 14px; margin-left: 2px;"> </div> <div style="background-color: #f4f4f4; border-radius: 50%; height: 12.5px; width: 12.5px; transform: translateX(9px) translateY(-18px);"> </div> </div> <div style="margin-left: 8px;"> <div style="background-color: #f4f4f4; border-radius: 50%; flex-grow: 0; height: 20px; width: 20px;"> </div> <div style="width: 0; height: 0; border-top: 2px solid transparent; border-left: 6px solid #f4f4f4; border-bottom: 2px solid transparent; transform: translateX(16px) translateY(-4px) rotate(30deg);"> </div> </div> <div style="margin-left: auto;"> <div style="width: 0px; border-top: 8px solid #F4F4F4; border-right: 8px solid transparent; transform: translateY(16px);"> </div> <div style="background-color: #f4f4f4; flex-grow: 0; height: 12px; width: 16px; transform: translateY(-4px);"> </div> <div style="width: 0; height: 0; border-top: 8px solid #F4F4F4; border-left: 8px solid transparent; transform: translateY(-4px) translateX(8px);"> </div> </div> </div> <div style="display: flex; flex-direction: column; flex-grow: 1; justify-content: center; margin-bottom: 24px;"> <div style="background-color: #f4f4f4; border-radius: 4px; flex-grow: 0; height: 14px; margin-bottom: 6px; width: 224px;"> </div> <div style="background-color: #f4f4f4; border-radius: 4px; flex-grow: 0; height: 14px; width: 144px;"> </div> </div> <p style="color: #c9c8cd; font-family: Arial,sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 17px; margin-bottom: 0; margin-top: 8px; overflow: hidden; padding: 8px 0 7px; text-align: center; text-overflow: ellipsis; white-space: nowrap;"><a style="color: #c9c8cd; font-family: Arial,sans-serif; font-size: 14px; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: 17px; text-decoration: none;" href="https://www.instagram.com/p/DJdlZ9zOTNd/?utm_source=ig_embed&utm_campaign=loading" target="_blank" rel="noopener">A post shared by Bindi Irwin (@bindisueirwin)</a> </div> </blockquote> The Steve Irwin Gala is held annually to raise awareness and funds for conservation efforts in honour of Steve Irwin, who died tragically in 2006 after a stingray attack. Bindi has been candid about her long battle with endometriosis, which went undiagnosed for a decade. In a February episode of the A Life of Greatness podcast, she spoke openly about the debilitating symptoms and challenges she faced before undergoing surgery in March 2023. “Every day the fatigue and the battle,” she said, describing how the illness affected her daily life and relationships. “There’s no cure for endometriosis, but if you’re able to get surgery you have a better shot at life,” she said. “Maybe in five or 10 years, I’ll have to get another surgery, but for now, it’s all gone, which I’m very grateful for.” Despite her health setbacks, Bindi continues to inspire many through her advocacy and commitment to wildlife conservation – a mission she proudly carries forward in her father’s name. Images: Instagram

Caring

Gina Rinehart urges Liberal Party to embrace Trumpism after crushing defeat

Mining billionaire and Australia’s richest person, Gina Rinehart, has urged the Liberal Party to adopt policies inspired by Donald Trump in the wake of the Coalition's heavy federal election loss over the weekend. In a statement <a href="https://www.ginarinehart.com.au/comment-from-mrs-gina-rinehart-ao-regarding-the-election-results/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">published on her personal website</a>, Rinehart blamed the defeat on left-leaning media outlets and what she described as the party's failure to adopt bold, pro-business, Trump-style reforms. “The left media did a very successful effort, frightening many in the Liberal Party from anything Trump and away from any Trump-like policies,” Rinehart wrote. “This has been especially obvious this year, with the Liberals instead becoming known as the 'me too' party. Trump-style ‘make Australia great’ policies via cutting government tape, government bureaucracy and wastage, and hence being able to cut taxes, [were] too scarce in Australia this year.” Rinehart, whose net worth is estimated at $46.5 billion, has long supported the Liberal Party and has personally backed senior figures including former opposition leader Peter Dutton, notably providing him with flights on her private jet. She is also a vocal Trump supporter, having attended his election night party at Mar-a-Lago last year. Under Dutton’s leadership, the Coalition campaigned on cutting tens of thousands of public service jobs and named Senator Jacinta Nampijinpa Price as the shadow spokesperson for government efficiency – moves widely seen as echoing Trump-era governance tactics. Despite Rinehart’s praise, Trump himself distanced from Dutton this week, telling reporters he had "no idea" who the former Liberal leader was, while describing re-elected Prime Minister Anthony Albanese as "very good" and "very, very nice". Rinehart’s position contrasts sharply with that of many within the political mainstream who argue that aligning with Trump-like policies alienates centrist voters. During election night coverage, Nationals Senator Bridget McKenzie acknowledged that the "Trump factor" may have influenced voter sentiment and contributed to the Coalition’s defeat. Former senior Liberals have also weighed in. Simon Birmingham, former Senate leader and finance minister, argued the party must reclaim its centrist identity. “The broadchurch model of a party that successfully melds liberal and conservative thinking is clearly broken,” Birmingham said. “The Liberal Party is not seen as remotely liberal and the brand of conservatism projected is clearly perceived as too harsh and out of touch.” Still, Rinehart remains unmoved in her call for a sharp ideological pivot to the right. “No doubt the left media will now try to claim that the Liberal loss was because the Liberal Party followed Trump and became too right! The two simply don't add up,” she said. “It’s important to not throw away truth and analysing skills, and instead learn from the loss and rebuild.” Rinehart also took aim at what she sees as a lack of economic understanding among Australians, stating that “too many Aussies seem very short on understanding that new investment is needed to create revenue and living standards”. Despite her disappointment with the election outcome, Rinehart concluded her statement with a conciliatory note, wishing Albanese well as he begins his second term. “Australians have overwhelmingly voted in a returning ... PM and government, we must wish him well, with carefully considered policies,” she wrote. Image: ginarinehart.com.au

Legal

When can you expect to benefit from Albanese's election promises?

Following the sweeping victory for Prime Minister Anthony Albanese and the Labor Party over the weekend, Australians are now looking to the government to deliver on a suite of cost-of-living promises aimed at easing financial pressures across the country. Finance expert and Money editor Effie Zahos told the Today show that the scale of the Labor win should pave the way for campaign commitments to be swiftly translated into policy. "The strength of the government's win should make the passage from promise into law a lot easier," Zahos said. "And there were so many promises made – everything from a two-year beer tax freeze to a new 1800 Medicare line." Among the most anticipated reforms is a no-receipt $1000 tax deduction for work-related expenses, set to roll out on July 1 next financial year. Zahos described the measure as an "exciting" step in a broader tax overhaul, but she also offered a word of caution: "This is a tax deduction, not a refund. So how much you get will come down to your tax bracket. Assuming you're on a 30 per cent tax rate, your relief will be $300." The Albanese government estimates around six million Australians will benefit, with average savings of $205 per person. However, a broader income tax cut for those earning between $45,000 and $80,201 – reducing the rate from 16 per cent to 14 per cent – won't take effect until July 1, 2027. Housing and Construction Promises On the housing front, the government has committed to enabling five per cent deposits for home buyers and offering shared equity loans, starting July 1. However, Zahos noted that implementation could vary. "The shared equity one still is uncertain because they've got to be pushed out through the states as well," she said. Additional measures include the construction of 100,000 new homes and a $10,000 bonus for apprentice tradies such as bricklayers, electricians, carpenters, and plumbers living away from home. The bonus will be distributed in $2000 instalments beginning in the new financial year. Support for Students and Parents In a bid to appeal to younger voters, the government has pledged to cut 20 per cent off student HELP debts before June 1. The move is expected to reduce the average student loan by more than $5000. From January 5, 2026, parents will be entitled to three days of subsidised childcare per week – a policy that removes the activity test, meaning employment will no longer be a requirement for access. Energy Relief on the Horizon Households can also expect temporary relief on energy costs, with rebates and a 30 per cent discount on home batteries starting from July 1. But Zahos warned these benefits will expire by the end of 2025. "And then the pain will continue," she said, hinting at the ongoing challenges Australians face despite the short-term reprieve. With expectations high and timelines tight, all eyes are now on the Albanese government to turn its electoral promises into tangible support for everyday Australians. Image: ABC News

Money & Banking

Coalition faces leadership crisis after devastating defeat

The Coalition is reeling from a crushing federal election defeat that has triggered a leadership vacuum, widespread soul-searching, and an urgent need for reinvention. After suffering an historic landslide loss, the party is now sifting through the wreckage of what many insiders are calling one of the most chaotic and miscalculated campaigns in recent memory. Opposition Leader Peter Dutton fronted the media on election night to accept responsibility for the outcome, which saw the loss of several senior Liberal figures and a significant erosion of the party's base. "There are good members, good candidates who have lost their seats or their ambition. And I'm sorry for that," Dutton said in a sombre concession speech. Nationals leader David Littleproud pointed to what he described as a brutal character assassination campaign by Labor, which he claimed rendered Dutton "unelectable in his own electorate and across the country". But political analysts say the problems run much deeper than Dutton’s public image. Nine’s national affairs editor Andrew Probyn argued that the Coalition failed to present a coherent and inspiring vision to voters, despite widespread discontent over cost-of-living pressures. Among the missteps was a proposal to end remote work for public servants – a plan that was swiftly abandoned early in the campaign – and a pledge to cut 41,000 public service jobs. The job-slashing rhetoric drew uncomfortable comparisons to the political style of Donald Trump, a connection reinforced by Senator Jacinta Nampijinpa Price’s controversial “make Australia great again” remark. “Restoring a viable opposition will start with recognising what went wrong,” Probyn said. “And it’ll need a new leader who’s prepared to take the party in a new direction.” Among those tipped to contest the leadership are Angus Taylor, Andrew Hastie, Sussan Ley and Dan Tehan. Former Coalition Minister Christopher Pyne echoed calls for change, urging the party to shift back towards the political centre if it hopes to win back mainstream support. Treasurer Jim Chalmers, fresh from Labor’s emphatic win, said voters had rejected what he termed the Coalition’s “backward-looking pessimism”. Nine political editor Charles Croucher said the result reflected a “seismic shift” in the electorate. “Labor ran a very disciplined campaign, surprised the electorate with tax cuts, and executed brutally effective attacks on Peter Dutton,” he said. Croucher also pointed to external factors that compounded the Coalition’s woes, including the global impact of Donald Trump’s tariffs and the party’s faltering stance on nuclear power. “For the Coalition, the campaign was disastrous,” he said. “Bad plus bad plus bad equals really bad for Peter Dutton.” As the dust settles, the Coalition must not only choose a new leader, but also decide what kind of party it wants to be in a rapidly changing political landscape. Image: ABC News

Legal

Older Australians are also hurting from the housing crisis. Where are the election policies to help them?

<div class="theconversation-article-body"> It would be impossible at this stage in the election campaign to be unaware that housing is a critical, potentially vote-changing, issue. But the suite of policies being proposed by the <a href="https://theconversation.com/how-do-the-coalition-and-labor-plans-on-housing-differ-and-what-have-they-ignored-253337">major parties</a> largely focus on young, first home buyers. What is glaringly noticeable is the lack of measures to improve availability and affordability for older people. Modern older lives are diverse, yet older people have become too easily pigeonholed. No more so than in respect to property, where a perception has flourished that older people own more than their fair share of housing wealth. While the value of housing has no doubt increased, home <a href="https://www.aihw.gov.au/reports/australias-welfare/home-ownership-and-housing-tenure#:%7E:text=The%20home%20ownership%20rate%20of,compared%20with%2036%25%20in%202021.">ownership rates</a> among people reaching retirement age has actually declined since the mid-1990s. Older people can also face <a href="https://www.anglicare.asn.au/research-advocacy/rental-affordability/">rental stress and homelessness</a> – with almost 20,000 <a href="https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/people/housing/estimating-homelessness-census/latest-release">homeless people</a> in Australia aged over 55. Severe housing stress is a key contributing to those homelessness figures. It’s easy to blame older Australians for causing, or exacerbating, the housing crisis. But doing so ignores the fact that right now, our housing system is badly failing many older people too. <h2>No age limits</h2> Owning a home has traditionally provided financial security for retirees, especially ones relying on the age pension. This is so much so, that home ownership is sometimes described as the “fourth pillar” of Australia’s retirement system. But housing has become more expensive – to rent or buy – for everyone. Falling rates of <a href="https://grattan.edu.au/report/money-in-retirement/">home ownership</a> combined with carriage of mortgage debt into retirement, restricted access to shrinking stocks of social housing, and lack of housing affordability in the private rental market have a particular impact on older people. <h2>Housing rethink</h2> Housing policy for older Australians has mostly focused on age-specific options, such as retirement villages and aged care. Taking such a limited view excludes other potential solutions from across the broader housing system that should be considered. Furthermore, not all older people want to live in a retirement village, and fewer than <a href="https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/health/disability/disability-ageing-and-carers-australia-summary-findings/latest-release#:%7E:text=5.5%20million%20Australians%20(21.4%25),a%20profound%20or%20severe%20disability.">5% of older people</a> live in residential aged care. During my <a href="https://www.churchilltrust.com.au/fellow/victoria-cornell-sa-2019/">Churchill Fellowship study</a> exploring alternative, affordable models of housing for older people, I discovered three cultural themes that are stopping us from having a productive conversation about housing for older people. <ul> <li> Australia’s tradition of home ownership undervalues renting and treats housing as a commodity, not a basic need. This disadvantages older renters and those on low income. </li> <li> There’s a stigma regarding welfare in Australia, which influences who is seen as “deserving” and shapes the policy responses. </li> <li> While widely encouraged, “ageing-in-place” means different things to different people. It can include formal facilities or the family home that needs modifications to make it habitable as someone ages. </li> </ul> These themes are firmly entrenched, often driven by policy narratives such as the primacy of home ownership over renting. In the past 50 years or so, many have come to view welfare, such as social housing, as a <a href="https://www.ahuri.edu.au/research/final-reports/390">last resort</a>, and have aimed to age in their family home or move into a “desirable” retirement village. <h2>Variety is key</h2> A more flexible approach could deliver housing for older Australians that is more varied in design, cost and investment models. The promises made so far by political parties to help younger home buyers are welcome. However, the housing system is a complex beast and there is no single quick fix solution. First and foremost, a national housing and homelessness plan is required, which also involves the states and territories. The plan must include explicit consideration of housing options for older people. Funding for housing developments needs to be more flexible in terms of public-private sector investment and direct government assistance that goes beyond first home buyer incentives. <h2>International models</h2> For inspiration, we could look to Denmark, which has developed numerous <a href="https://www.spatialagency.net/database/co-housing">co-housing communities</a>. Co-housing models generally involve self-managing communities where residents have their own private, self-contained home, supported by communal facilities and spaces. They can be developed and designed by the owner or by a social housing provider. They can be age-specific or multi-generational. Funding flexibility, planning and design are key to their success. Institutional investors include <ul> <li> so-called impact investors, who seek social returns and often accept lower financial returns </li> <li> community housing providers </li> <li> member-based organisations, such as mutuals and co-operatives. </li> </ul> Government also plays a part by expediting the development process and providing new pathways to more affordable ownership and rental options. Europe is also leading the way on social housing, where cultural attitudes are different from here. In Vienna, Austria, more than 60% of residents live in 440,000 <a href="https://www.wienerwohnen.at/wiener-gemeindebau/municipal-housing-in-vienna.html">socially provided homes</a>. These homes are available for a person’s entire life, with appropriate age-related modifications permitted if required. At over 20% of the total housing stock, <a href="https://lbf.dk/om-lbf/english-the-danish-social-housing-model/">social housing</a> is also a large sector in Denmark, where the state and municipalities support the construction of non-profit housing. <h2>Overcoming stereotyes</h2> Our population is ageing rapidly, and more older people are now renting or facing housing insecurity. If policymakers continue to ignore their housing needs, even more older people will be at risk of living on the street, and as a result will suffer poor health and social isolation. Overcoming stereotypes - such as the idea that all older people are wealthy homeowners - is key to building fairer, more inclusive solutions. This isn’t just about older Australians. It’s about creating a housing system that works for everyone, at every stage of life.<img style="border: none !important; box-shadow: none !important; margin: 0 !important; max-height: 1px !important; max-width: 1px !important; min-height: 1px !important; min-width: 1px !important; opacity: 0 !important; outline: none !important; padding: 0 !important;" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/255391/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" /> By <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/victoria-cornell-2372746">Victoria Cornell</a>, Research Fellow, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/flinders-university-972">Flinders University</a> This article is republished from <a href="https://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/older-australians-are-also-hurting-from-the-housing-crisis-where-are-the-election-policies-to-help-them-255391">original article</a>. Image: Shutterstock </div>

Money & Banking

Why are political parties allowed to send spam texts? And how can we make them stop?

<div class="theconversation-article-body"> Another election, another wave of unsolicited political texts. Over this campaign, our digital mailboxes have been stuffed with a slew of political appeals and promises, many from the new party Trumpet of Patriots (backed by Clive Palmer, a <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2019-01-11/clive-palmer-united-australia-party-unsolicited-text-messages/10709106">veteran</a> of the mass text campaign). The practice isn’t new, and it’s totally legal under current laws. It’s also non-partisan. Campaigns of all stripes have partaken. Behold, the Liberal Party’s <a href="https://www.sbs.com.au/news/article/liberal-party-defends-sending-text-messages-to-voters-on-asylum-seeker-boat-intercepts/mmqwk5508">last-minute SMS</a> to voters about asylum seekers before the 2022 federal election, or Labor’s controversial “<a href="https://www.smh.com.au/politics/federal/federal-election-2016-shorten-confirms-labor-sent-mediscare-text-20160705-gpzasl.html">Mediscare</a>” text before the 2016 poll. Despite multiple cycles of criticism, these tactics remain a persistent feature of Australian election campaigns. A recent proposal to update decades-old rules could help change things – if a government would put it into practice. <h2>What does the law say about political spam?</h2> Several laws regulate spam and data collection in Australia. First, there is the Spam Act. This legislation requires that organisations obtain our consent before sending us marketing emails, SMSs and instant messages. The unsubscribe links you see at the bottom of spam emails? Those are mandated by the Spam Act. Second, the Do Not Call Register (DNCR) Act. This Act establishes a “do not call” register, managed by the <a href="https://www.acma.gov.au/say-no-to-telemarketers">Australian Communications and Media Authority</a> (ACMA), which individuals can join to opt out of telemarketing calls. Finally, there is the Privacy Act, which governs how organisations collect, use and disclose our personal information. Among other things, the Privacy Act requires that organisations tell us when and why they are collecting our personal information, and the purposes for which they intend to use it. It restricts organisations from re-purposing personal information collected for a particular purpose, unless an exception applies. This trio of laws was designed to offer relief from unsolicited, unwanted direct marketing. It does not, however, stop the deluge of political spam at election time due to broad political exemptions sewn into the legislation decades ago. The Spam Act and DNCR Act apply to marketing for goods and services but not election policies and promises, while the Privacy Act contains a <a href="https://classic.austlii.edu.au/au/journals/UNSWLawJl/2021/21.html#fn13">carve-out</a> for political parties, representatives and their contractors. The upshot is that their campaigns are free to spam and target voters at will. Their only obligation is to disclose who authorised the message. <h2>How do political campaigns get our information?</h2> Secrecy about the nature and extent of campaign data operations, enabled by the exemptions, makes it difficult to pinpoint precisely where a campaign might have obtained your data from. There are, however, a number of ways political campaigns can acquire our information. One source is the electoral roll (though not for phone numbers, as the Australian Electoral Commission <a href="https://x.com/AusElectoralCom/status/1434752533294194692">often points out</a>). Incumbent candidates might build on this with information they obtain through contact with constituents which, thanks to the exemptions, they’re allowed to re-purpose for campaigning at election time. Another source is data brokers – firms which harvest, analyse and sell large quantities of data and profiles. We know the major parties have long maintained voter databases to support their targeting efforts, which have become <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2022-05-19/behind-liberal-labor-data-arms-race-this-election/101074696">increasingly sophisticated</a> over the years. Other outfits might take more haphazard approaches – former MP <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/politics/federal/united-australia-party-leader-craig-kelly-defends-spam-messages-20210829-p58mv7.html">Craig Kelly</a>, for example, claimed to use software to randomly generate numbers for his texting campaign in 2021. <h2>What can be done?</h2> Unwanted campaign texts are not only irritating to some. They can be misleading. This year, there have been <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2025-04-17/monique-ryan-polling-amelia-hamer-trust-fund-kooyong/105185290">reports</a> of “push polling” texts (pseudo surveys meant to persuade rather than gauge voter options) in the marginal seat of Kooyong. The AEC has <a href="https://www.aec.gov.au/media/2025/03-31a.htm">warned</a> about misleading postal vote applications being issued by parties via SMS. <figure class="align-right zoomable"><a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/664617/original/file-20250429-74-yothae.jpg?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/664617/original/file-20250429-74-yothae.jpg?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/664617/original/file-20250429-74-yothae.jpg?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=738&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/664617/original/file-20250429-74-yothae.jpg?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=738&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/664617/original/file-20250429-74-yothae.jpg?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=738&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/664617/original/file-20250429-74-yothae.jpg?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=927&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/664617/original/file-20250429-74-yothae.jpg?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=927&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/664617/original/file-20250429-74-yothae.jpg?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=927&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" alt="Screenshot of a text message from Trumpet of Patriots." /></a><figcaption>This election campaign has seen a flood of texts from Trumpet of Patriots, among others. The Conversation, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/">CC BY-SA</a></figcaption></figure> Generative AI is hastening the ability to produce misleading content, cheaply and at scale, which can be quickly pushed out across an array of online social and instant messaging services. In short, annoying texts are just one visible symptom of a wider vulnerability created by the political exemptions. The basic argument for the political exemptions is to facilitate freedom of political communication, which is protected by the Constitution. As the High Court has said, that freedom is necessary to support informed electoral choice. It does not, however, guarantee speakers a <a href="http://www6.austlii.edu.au/cgi-bin/viewdoc/au/cases/cth/HCA/2019/11.html">captive audience</a>. In 2022, the Attorney-General’s Department <a href="https://www.ag.gov.au/sites/default/files/2023-02/privacy-act-review-report_0.pdf">proposed</a> narrowing the political exemptions, as part of a suite of updates to the Privacy Act. Per the proposal, parties and representatives would need to be more transparent about their data operations, provide voters with an option to unsubscribe from targeted ads, refrain from targeting voters based on “sensitive information”, and handle data in a “fair and reasonable” manner. The changes would be an overdue but welcome step, recognising the <a href="https://bridges.monash.edu/articles/journal_contribution/Conceptualising_Voter_Privacy_in_the_Age_of_Data-Driven_Political_Campaigning/27330276?file=50073381">essential role</a> of voter privacy in a functioning democratic system. Unfortunately, the government has not committed to taking up the proposal. A bipartisan lack of support is likely the biggest obstacle, even as the gap created by the political exemptions widens, and its rationale becomes flimsier, with each election cycle.<img style="border: none !important; box-shadow: none !important; margin: 0 !important; max-height: 1px !important; max-width: 1px !important; min-height: 1px !important; min-width: 1px !important; opacity: 0 !important; outline: none !important; padding: 0 !important;" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/255413/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" /> By <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/tegan-cohen-1331144">Tegan Cohen</a>, Postdoctoral Research Fellow, Digital Media Research Centre, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/queensland-university-of-technology-847">Queensland University of Technology</a> This article is republished from <a href="https://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/why-are-political-parties-allowed-to-send-spam-texts-and-how-can-we-make-them-stop-255413">original article</a>. Image: Shutterstock </div>

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Chaotic ending to final leaders' debate ahead of election

In what historians are already calling The Great Final Showdown (With Bonus Egg Chat), Anthony Albanese has emerged victorious in the fourth and final leaders' debate, with Peter Dutton bravely losing while armed only with a calculator set to 1998 and a deep mistrust of mobile phones. Held six days before the election and hosted by Channel 7 (who have now applied for hazard pay), the debate covered serious national issues like cost of living, housing and why Elon Musk is apparently a Marvel villain. Dutton, swinging from the very first second like a man who accidentally stepped on a plug, declared: "This election is all about who can best manage the Australian economy..." before launching into a heartfelt monologue about crying families, inflation and the distinct lack of cheaper servo pies. Albanese, armed with his Clear Decisive Policies™, clapped back: "Australians have a real choice this Saturday to continue building Australia's future or go back to the past," ... which definitely didn’t sound at all like the slogan of a time-travel movie starring Dutton as a confused tourist in 1973. The real drama came when the leaders tried to guess the price of eggs, which quickly devolved into an episode of The Price is Wrong. Dutton confidently guessed that a half dozen free-range eggs cost "$4.20", missing the mark by about the same distance Pluto misses Earth. Albanese, meanwhile, coolly suggested "$7 if you can find them", proving once again that he’s a man of the people – or at least a man who occasionally braves the horror of the supermarket dairy aisle. Dutton, adopting the highly relatable persona of Uncle Who Complains at BBQs, complained that Welcome to Country ceremonies were "overdone", claiming: "It divides the country." In response, Albanese reminded everyone that Australia shares its continent with "the oldest continuous culture on earth", and managed not to roll his eyes even once, a feat of diplomacy possibly more impressive than anything discussed on foreign policy. Speaking of diplomacy, the two also managed a spirited debate on international relations when Albanese mused: "I'm not sure that he has a mobile phone, the US president, or Joe Biden." ... leading many to wonder if Albanese thinks Biden communicates solely through carrier pigeons or interpretive dance. Not to be outdone, Dutton called Elon Musk an "evil genius", officially making this the first Australian leaders' debate to include a Marvel Cinematic Universe reference. Albanese, playing it safer, described Musk as "Tesla, and a very rich man", thereby demonstrating a deep and comprehensive understanding of modern economics. When it came to energy policy, Dutton insisted that renewable energy was going to "wreck the economy", while Albanese insisted that it was actually already powering "10 million homes". Dutton’s alternative? Nuclear energy, because nothing says "vote for me" like proposing billion-dollar facilities that won't be ready until somewhere around the next ice age. At the end of the night, 60 undecided voters declared Albanese the winner by a margin that was less "narrow victory" and more "rugby team versus toddlers". Albanese took home 50% of the vote, while Dutton earned a modest 25% and the other 25% presumably began Googling "how to move to New Zealand". Whether that final debate will actually change the outcome of the election is unclear. What is clear is that both men left their marks – one as the man who priced eggs like it was still 2005, and the other as the guy who thinks world leaders might communicate exclusively by yelling really loudly across the Pacific Ocean. Images: Network Seven

Who will the next pope be? Here are some top contenders

<div class="theconversation-article-body"> The death of Pope Francis marks the end of a <a href="https://theconversation.com/pope-francis-has-died-aged-88-these-were-his-greatest-reforms-and-controversies-229111">historic papacy</a> and the beginning of a significant transition for the Catholic Church. As the faithful around the world mourn his passing, attention now turns to the next phase: the election of a new pope. This election will take place through a process known as <a href="https://theconversation.com/how-will-a-new-pope-be-chosen-an-expert-explains-the-conclave-250506">the conclave</a>. Typically held two to three weeks after a pope’s funeral, the conclave gathers the College of Cardinals in the Vatican’s Sistine Chapel. Here, through prayer, reflection and secret ballots, they must reach a two-thirds majority to choose the next Bishop of Rome. While, in theory, any baptised Catholic man can be elected, for the past seven centuries the role has gone to a cardinal. That said, the outcome can still be unpredictable – sometimes even surprising the electors themselves. <h2>An unlikely candidate</h2> Cardinal Jorge Mario Bergoglio – who became Pope Francis – wasn’t among the front-runners in 2013. Nonetheless, after five rounds of voting, he emerged as the top candidate. Something similar could happen again. This conclave will take place during a time of tension and change within the church. Francis sought to decentralise Vatican authority, emphasised caring for the poor and the planet, and tried to open dialogue on sensitive issues such as <a href="https://time.com/7267052/pope-francis-impact-on-the-lgbtq-community/">LGBTQIA+ inclusion</a> and <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/abuse-victims-say-they-saw-progress-under-pope-francis-just-not-enough-2025-04-22/">clerical abuse</a>. The cardinals must now decide whether to continue in this direction, or steer towards a more traditional course. There is historical precedent to consider. For centuries, Italians dominated the papacy. Of the 266 popes, 217 have <a href="https://worldpopulationreview.com/country-rankings/popes-by-country">been Italian</a>. However, this pattern has shifted in recent decades: Francis was from Argentina, John Paul II (1978–2005) from Poland, and Benedict XVI (2005–2013) from Germany. <h2>The top papabili</h2> As with any election, observers are speaking of their “favourites”. The term papabile, which in Italian means “pope-able”, or “capable of becoming pope”, is used to describe cardinals who are seen as serious contenders. Among the leading papabili is Cardinal <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pietro_Parolin">Pietro Parolin</a>, aged 70, the current Secretary of State of Vatican City. Parolin has long been one of Francis’ closest collaborators and has led efforts to open dialogue with difficult regimes, <a href="https://catholicweekly.com.au/vatican-diplomat-discusses-china/">including the Chinese Communist Party</a>. Parolin is seen as a centrist figure who could appeal to both reform-minded and more conservative cardinals. Yet some <a href="https://www.politico.eu/article/pope-francis-death-who-succeed-parolin-pizzaballa-tagle-turkson-besungu-burke-spengler-erdo/">observers argue</a> he lacks the charismatic and pastoral presence that helped define Francis’ papacy. Another name to watch is Cardinal <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pierbattista_Pizzaballa">Pierbattista Pizzaballa</a>, the Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem. At 60, he is younger than many of his colleagues, but brings extensive experience in interfaith dialogue in the Middle East. His fluency in Hebrew and his long service in the Holy Land could prove appealing. Then again, his relative youth may cause hesitation among those concerned about electing a pope who could serve for decades. As the papacy of John Paul II demonstrated, such long reigns can have a profound impact on the church. Cardinal <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Luis_Antonio_Tagle">Luis Antonio Tagle</a> of the Philippines is also frequently mentioned. Now 67, Tagle is known for his deep commitment to social justice and the poor. He has spoken out against human rights abuses in his home country and has often echoed Francis’ pastoral tone. But some cardinals may worry that his outspoken political views could complicate the church’s diplomatic efforts. Cardinal <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Peter_Turkson">Peter Turkson</a> of Ghana, now 76, was a prominent figure during the last conclave. A strong voice on environmental and economic justice, he has served under both Benedict XVI and Francis. Turkson has largely upheld the church’s traditional teachings on matters such as male-only priesthood, marriage between a man and a woman, and sexuality. He is also a strong advocate for transparency, and has spoken out against corruption and in defence of human rights. Though less widely known among the public, Cardinal <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mykola_Bychok">Mykola Bychok</a> of Melbourne may also be considered. His election would be as surprising (and perhaps as symbolically powerful) as that of John Paul II in 1978. A Ukrainian-Australian pope, chosen during the ongoing war in Ukraine, would send a strong message about the church’s concern for suffering peoples and global peace. Other names that may come up are Cardinal <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fridolin_Ambongo_Besungu">Fridolin Ambongo Besungu</a> from the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and Cardinal <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jaime_Spengler">Jaime Spengler</a> of Brazil – both of whom lead large and growing Catholic communities. Although news reports don’t always list them among the top contenders, their influence within their regions – and the need to recognise the church’s global demographic shifts – means their voices will matter. On the more conservative side is American Cardinal <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Raymond_Leo_Burke">Raymond Burke</a>, who had been one of Francis’ most vocal critics. But his confrontational stance makes him an unlikely candidate. More plausible would be Cardinal <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/P%C3%A9ter_Erd%C5%91">Péter Erdő</a> of Hungary, aged 71. Erdő is a respected canon lawyer with a more traditional theological orientation. He was mentioned in 2013 and may reemerge as a promising candidate among conservative cardinals. <figure class="align-right zoomable"><a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/663322/original/file-20250423-56-vunzyq.jpg?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/663322/original/file-20250423-56-vunzyq.jpg?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/663322/original/file-20250423-56-vunzyq.jpg?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=792&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/663322/original/file-20250423-56-vunzyq.jpg?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=792&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/663322/original/file-20250423-56-vunzyq.jpg?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=792&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/663322/original/file-20250423-56-vunzyq.jpg?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=996&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/663322/original/file-20250423-56-vunzyq.jpg?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=996&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/663322/original/file-20250423-56-vunzyq.jpg?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=996&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" alt="" /></a><figcaption>Cardinal Péter Erdő was ordained as a priest in 1975 and has a doctorate in theology. He will be a top pick among conservatives. Wikimedia, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/">CC BY-SA</a></figcaption></figure> <h2>One tough act to follow</h2> Although Francis appointed many of the cardinals who will vote in the conclave, that doesn’t mean all of them supported his agenda. Many come from communities with traditional values, and may be drawn to a candidate who emphasises older church teachings. The conclave will also reflect broader questions of geography. The church’s growth has shifted away from Europe, to Asia, Africa and Latin America. A pope from one of these regions could symbolise this change, and speak more directly to the challenges faced by Catholic communities in the Global South. Ultimately, predicting a conclave is impossible. Dynamics often change once the cardinals enter the Sistine Chapel and begin voting. Alliances shift, new names emerge, and consensus may form around someone who was barely discussed beforehand. What is certain is that the next pope will shape the church’s future: doctrinally, diplomatically and pastorally. Whether he chooses to build on Francis’ legacy of reform, or move in a new direction, he will need to balance ancient traditions with the urgent realities of the modern world.<img style="border: none !important; box-shadow: none !important; margin: 0 !important; max-height: 1px !important; max-width: 1px !important; min-height: 1px !important; min-width: 1px !important; opacity: 0 !important; outline: none !important; padding: 0 !important;" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/255006/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" /> <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/darius-von-guttner-sporzynski-112147">Darius von Guttner Sporzynski</a>, Historian, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/australian-catholic-university-747">Australian Catholic University</a> This article is republished from <a href="https://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/who-will-the-next-pope-be-here-are-some-top-contenders-255006">original article</a>. Image: Rawpixel.com </div>

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Labor’s in with a fighting chance, but must work around an unpopular leader

<div class="theconversation-article-body"> The Albanese government has a fighting chance of winning the 2025 election, but will need to achieve in five weeks of campaigning what it hasn’t in three years in office. That is, work out a narrative explaining what it’s about and that can persuade Australians to back it for a second term. Convincing voters that electing a Peter Dutton-led Coalition government would be risky is the other essential element for a Labor victory – a task made easier by the evident chaos arising from the Trump administration’s recent actions in the US. The main Coalition promises announced ahead of the election being called were to start a nuclear power industry, slash the public service and, without explaining how, cut immigration. These policies are sufficiently Trumpesque in tone to lend some credence to Labor insinuations that Dutton could be a mini-Trump if elected. Attacks on Dutton’s integrity and policy credibility have improved Labor’s position in the run-up to the election. With Prime Minister Anthony Albanese somewhat lifting his performance this year, and getting Dutton slightly off balance, the trend is perceived to be moving Labor’s way. Government insiders hope the 2025 election will mimic the 1998 election, where the incumbent government survived despite losing the two party-preferred vote 48.5% to the opposition’s 51.5%. This paradoxical outcome, which saw the Howard government survive, was because the swing to the Beazley Labor opposition was concentrated in seats the opposition already held, rather than those it needed to win office. There’s little room for complacency, though. A handkerchief-sized set of policies such as Dutton’s did not stop opposition leader John Howard winning the 1996 election. Nor did a campaign built entirely on a three-pronged slogan stop opposition leader Tony Abbott winning the 2013 election. Labor will need to do deliberately what it did on the fly last time, when opposition leader Albanese got COVID during the 2022 campaign. That is, showcase attractive and articulate Labor frontbenchers to glow up, by association, an unloved leader. Both Albanese and Dutton have negative net approval ratings and are a drag on each of their party’s vote. In the <a href="https://theconversation.com/anthony-albanese-gains-in-newspoll-but-the-race-remains-neck-and-neck-251352">latest Newspoll</a> before the election was called, Albanese was on –12% and Dutton on –14%. An aggregate analysis of Newspoll by state and gender, covering the three months in the run up to the election, underlines the problem. Both leaders had double digit net negative approval ratings in every state except Queensland, where Dutton has a positive net rating of 9%. Both leaders have negative net approval ratings by gender, though Albanese’s (men –16%, women –18%) is worse than Dutton’s (men –8%, women –15%). Albanese has been famously indifferent to advice in the government’s first term. He long resisted the urgings of some cabinet colleagues to <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2024-02-27/stage-three-tax-cut-changes-pass-senate/103519338">restructure the stage 3 tax cuts</a> legislated by the Morrison government, for example, until the need for a mid-term political circuit-breaker made him budge. However, the risk of not getting a second term will make the prime minister more open to the advice of senior colleagues, ALP national secretary Paul Erickson, and party elders during the campaign. Albanese’s solution to all problems, as one Labor figure puts it, is to “apply more Albo”. Since voters rate Labor more highly than its leader, however, “more Albo” during the campaign is not the answer. Effective communicators such as Treasurer Jim Chalmers, Environment Minister Tanya Plibersek, Finance Minister Katy Gallagher, Education Minister Jason Clare, Housing Minister Clare O'Neil, Home Affairs Minister Tony Burke and Employment Minister Murray Watt must be showcased. Their job is to embody an implicit promise that inside the Albanese government there’s a better one waiting to break out, and through that to stir voters’ hopes. So if the Albanese government can finally work out its story and get the message out via frontbenchers to whom voters are willing to listen, it could get across concrete promises that make them want to give it another go. What those concrete policy promises are will, of course, be crucially important. Labor has a tremendous challenge ahead. When up against one of the worst governments since Federation – that led by prime minister Scott Morrison – Albanese Labor won with a majority of just two seats in 2022. <figure><iframe src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/BenaVvL8BbE?wmode=transparent&start=0" width="440" height="260" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe></figure> Voters have accorded new governments a second term at every federal poll since Federation, with the exception of the Depression-era 1931 election. But in 2025, this is far from assured. The unusual situation is partly a product of what systems thinkers describe as an “eroding goals” problem. After the loss of the Voice referendum campaign, the government’s leadership quickly conditioned Labor MPs to settle for the likelihood of minority government after the 2025 election. Now that election is here, and there are real fears even this lower hurdle might not be achieved. Having a leader who can do both the substance and theatre of politics is crucial to winning elections. If people don’t want to listen to you, the best government policies and performance can’t be communicated, recognised and rewarded. Having the right people in key portfolios is another. The prime minister prioritised the containment of potential leadership rivals over party and the national interest in some portfolio allocation decisions. This hurt the government’s performance and disappointed voters. Australians have signalled in repeated polls that they believe neither the current Labor prime minister nor the current Coalition alternative prime minister are up to the job. It is striking that the major parties, which claim to listen to voters, disrespect those voters by offering them deeply unpopular choices for prime minister. The spraying of votes to minor parties and independent candidates evident at the 2022 election could well accelerate as a consequence. People and parties often seem to be determined to learn the hard way. Now the election is here, Labor needs to tack around its shortcomings in this term of office and convincingly project there’s better ahead to win.<img style="border: none !important; box-shadow: none !important; margin: 0 !important; max-height: 1px !important; max-width: 1px !important; min-height: 1px !important; min-width: 1px !important; opacity: 0 !important; outline: none !important; padding: 0 !important;" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/248663/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" /> By <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/chris-wallace-314481">Chris Wallace</a>, Professor, School of Politics Economics & Society, Faculty of Business Government & Law, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-canberra-865">University of Canberra</a> This article is republished from <a href="https://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/labors-in-with-a-fighting-chance-but-must-work-around-an-unpopular-leader-248663">original article</a>. Image: Instagram </div>

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Albanese calls May 3 election, with cost of living the central battleground

<div class="theconversation-article-body">Australians will go to the polls on May 3 for an election squarely centred on the cost of living. Prime Minister Anthony Albanese visited Governor-General Sam Mostyn at Yarralumla first thing on Friday morning. Later he told an 8am news conference at parliament house the election choice was “between Labor’s plan to keep building or Peter Dutton’s plan to cut. "Only Labor has the plan to make you better off over the next three years,” he said. “Now is not the time for cutting and wrecking, punching down.” Less than a week after the federal budget and following an earlier delay caused by Cyclone Alfred, the formal campaign starts with government and opposition neck and neck and minority government considered a real possibility. But in recent days, the government has gained more momentum and Labor enters the campaign more confident than at the start of the year. The aggregated January-March quarterly Newspoll had the Coalition leading Labor 51-49%, but Albanese leading Peter Dutton as preferred PM 45% to 40%. A YouGov poll published March 21 had Labor and Coalition on 50-50. Polling only shows a snapshot of the present, and the campaign itself could be crucial to the election result. This is the fourth consecutive election launched off the back of a budget, with both sides this week bidding for voters’ support with big handouts. Labor pushed through legislation for its $17 billion tax cut, the first stage of which comes in mid next year. Opposition leader Peter Dutton in his budget reply promised a 12-month halving of excise on petrol and diesel and a gas reservation scheme. Labor goes <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/elections/federal/2025/guide/pendulum">into the election</a> with 78 seats in the lower house, and the Coalition with 57 (counting the seats of two recent Liberal defectors). The large crossbench includes four Greens and half a dozen “teals”. With a majority being 76 seats in the new 150-seat parliament, the Coalition needs to win 19 seats for an outright majority. This would require a uniform swing of 5.3% (although swings are not uniform). A swing of less than 1% could take Labor into minority. The Coalition would need a swing of about 3.6% to end with more seats than the government. While all states are important if the result is close, Victoria and NSW are regarded as the crucial battlegrounds. If the Coalition won, it would be the first time that a first-term government had been defeated since 1931, during the great depression. Since the end of the second world war, while all first term governments have been reelected, each saw a two-party swing against them. One challenge for Albanese is that he has only a tiny majority, providing little buffer against a swing. The combined vote of the major parties will be something to watch, with the vote steadily declining from 85.47% of the vote just 19 years ago at the 2007 election, to only 68.28% at the 2022 election. Labor won the last election with a two-party vote of 52.13% to the Coalition’s 47.87%. As of December 31 2024, 17,939,818 Australians were enrolled to vote. The start of the formal campaign follows a long “faux” campaign in which both leaders have been travelling the length and breadth of the country non-stop, with the government making a series of major spending announcement but the opposition holding back on policy.<img style="border: none !important; box-shadow: none !important; margin: 0 !important; max-height: 1px !important; max-width: 1px !important; min-height: 1px !important; min-width: 1px !important; opacity: 0 !important; outline: none !important; padding: 0 !important;" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/250774/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" /> <h2>Marginal seats based on the redistribution</h2> <img src="https://oversixtydev.blob.core.windows.net/media/2025/03/Antony-Greens-ABC-Electoral-Pendulum.jpg" alt="" width="1280" height="1535" /> * Seat with a sitting ALP member ** Seat with a sitting Liberal member *** Warringah MP Zali Steggall was elected before the 2022 ‘teals’, but is regarded as one of them. <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/dat/news/elections/federal/2025/guide/FED2025_PostRedistPendulum.pdf" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Antony Green's ABC Electoral Pendulum</a> By <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/michelle-grattan-20316">Michelle Grattan</a>, Professorial Fellow, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-canberra-865">University of Canberra</a> This article is republished from <a href="https://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/albanese-calls-may-3-election-with-cost-of-living-the-central-battleground-250774">original article</a>. Images: <em style="background-color: #ffffff; color: #212529; font-family: -apple-system, 'system-ui', 'Segoe UI', Roboto, 'Helvetica Neue', Arial, sans-serif, 'Apple Color Emoji', 'Segoe UI Emoji', 'Segoe UI Symbol', 'Noto Color Emoji'; font-size: 16px; box-sizing: border-box;">Image credits: LUKAS COCH/EPA-EFE/Shutterstock Editorial <div class="footer-container" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #212529; font-family: -apple-system, 'system-ui', 'Segoe UI', Roboto, 'Helvetica Neue', Arial, sans-serif, 'Apple Color Emoji', 'Segoe UI Emoji', 'Segoe UI Symbol', 'Noto Color Emoji'; font-size: 16px; background-color: #ffffff;"> </div> </div>

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Population panic: how demography is used for political gain

<div class="theconversation-article-body"> Population is far from the seemingly innocuous and bland topic of “people”. We’re not just talking people. We’re talking the very foundation of society, culture, and economy … and it’s deeply fraught. It’s also an effective political point scorer. Population scrutiny waxes and wanes in Australian populist and political discourse, much like many nations across the globe. <a href="https://theconversation.com/whats-behind-the-dramatic-shift-in-canadian-public-opinion-about-immigration-levels-219193">Canada</a>, <a href="https://theconversation.com/biden-defends-immigration-policy-during-state-of-the-union-blaming-republicans-in-congress-for-refusing-to-act-225158">the United States</a>, <a href="https://theconversation.com/a-far-right-political-group-is-gaining-popularity-in-germany-but-so-too-are-protests-against-it-223151">Germany</a>, <a href="https://theconversation.com/in-demand-but-disempowered-why-low-skilled-migrant-workers-face-even-worse-exploitation-under-nzs-new-rules-227993">New Zealand</a> and <a href="https://theconversation.com/uk-taking-back-control-of-its-borders-risks-rolling-back-human-rights-protections-230044">the United Kingdom</a> are all grappling with population issues. But when we talk population, it’s pretty safe to read immigration. It’s immigration that has most of the world talking, because growth for many is dominated by international movements, not local growth. Population growth due to immigration has fed growing fears from some quarters about a <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/religion/five-years-terror-christchurch-mosque-danger-muslim-women/103593682">replacement of the majority dominance</a> – in other words, that white people will no longer be the majority in Australia. Contemporary population debate has been largely ill-informed, lacking nuance and is often detrimental. Rooted in a long history of the way we talk about population, contemporary debate is best understood in context, and with facts. <h2>Population dynamics and change</h2> Population is most simply a <a href="https://population.gov.au/population-topics/topic-population-measurement">bunch of individuals</a> living in a specific place. Sounds boring, I know, but the reality is something much greater. When we start talking about what underpins population – composition, characteristics and change – it becomes clear why population is so political. Populations are comprised of varying characteristics – think age, sex, and geography. Characteristics like the age structure of a population have a direct impact on the workforce and economic wellbeing of a nation. A younger population means more expenditure invested in the young to ensure a strong workforce in the future. This is known as the <a href="https://www.prb.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/11/prb-demographic-dividend-evidence-1.pdf">demographic dividend</a>. An older population age structure, on the other hand, sees more spending on the upper end of the life course – senior people – and pressures on the workforce meeting the economic needs of the nation. This is <a href="https://www.abs.gov.au/ausstats/abs@.nsf/2f762f95845417aeca25706c00834efa/851dece969d9182cca2570ec000a2501!OpenDocument">structural ageing</a>. Australia’s population, like most of the world, is structurally ageing. We’re living longer and <a href="https://blog.id.com.au/2023/population/population-trends/australias-birth-rate-falls-in-2022#:%7E:text=Australia's%20birth%20rate%20has%20been,level">not replacing ourselves</a> through births. Living longer is a mark of technological success and ingenuity, and the same could be said about below-replacement births. But our success has some downsides. <blockquote class="instagram-media" style="background: #FFF; border: 0; border-radius: 3px; box-shadow: 0 0 1px 0 rgba(0,0,0,0.5),0 1px 10px 0 rgba(0,0,0,0.15); margin: 1px; max-width: 540px; min-width: 326px; padding: 0; width: calc(100% - 2px);" data-instgrm-captioned="" data-instgrm-permalink="https://www.instagram.com/p/DBP0rqgSCm5/?utm_source=ig_embed&utm_campaign=loading" data-instgrm-version="14"> <div style="padding: 16px;"> <div style="display: flex; flex-direction: row; align-items: center;"> <div style="background-color: #f4f4f4; border-radius: 50%; flex-grow: 0; height: 40px; margin-right: 14px; width: 40px;"> </div> <div style="display: flex; flex-direction: column; flex-grow: 1; justify-content: center;"> <div style="background-color: #f4f4f4; border-radius: 4px; flex-grow: 0; height: 14px; margin-bottom: 6px; width: 100px;"> </div> <div style="background-color: #f4f4f4; border-radius: 4px; flex-grow: 0; height: 14px; width: 60px;"> </div> </div> </div> <div style="padding: 19% 0;"> </div> <div style="display: block; height: 50px; margin: 0 auto 12px; width: 50px;"> </div> <div style="padding-top: 8px;"> <div style="color: #3897f0; font-family: Arial,sans-serif; font-size: 14px; font-style: normal; font-weight: 550; line-height: 18px;">View this post on Instagram</div> </div> <div style="padding: 12.5% 0;"> </div> <div style="display: flex; flex-direction: row; margin-bottom: 14px; align-items: center;"> <div> <div style="background-color: #f4f4f4; border-radius: 50%; height: 12.5px; width: 12.5px; transform: translateX(0px) translateY(7px);"> </div> <div style="background-color: #f4f4f4; height: 12.5px; transform: rotate(-45deg) translateX(3px) translateY(1px); width: 12.5px; flex-grow: 0; margin-right: 14px; margin-left: 2px;"> </div> <div style="background-color: #f4f4f4; border-radius: 50%; height: 12.5px; width: 12.5px; transform: translateX(9px) translateY(-18px);"> </div> </div> <div style="margin-left: 8px;"> <div style="background-color: #f4f4f4; border-radius: 50%; flex-grow: 0; height: 20px; width: 20px;"> </div> <div style="width: 0; height: 0; border-top: 2px solid transparent; border-left: 6px solid #f4f4f4; border-bottom: 2px solid transparent; transform: translateX(16px) translateY(-4px) rotate(30deg);"> </div> </div> <div style="margin-left: auto;"> <div style="width: 0px; border-top: 8px solid #F4F4F4; border-right: 8px solid transparent; transform: translateY(16px);"> </div> <div style="background-color: #f4f4f4; flex-grow: 0; height: 12px; width: 16px; transform: translateY(-4px);"> </div> <div style="width: 0; height: 0; border-top: 8px solid #F4F4F4; border-left: 8px solid transparent; transform: translateY(-4px) translateX(8px);"> </div> </div> </div> <div style="display: flex; flex-direction: column; flex-grow: 1; justify-content: center; margin-bottom: 24px;"> <div style="background-color: #f4f4f4; border-radius: 4px; flex-grow: 0; height: 14px; margin-bottom: 6px; width: 224px;"> </div> <div style="background-color: #f4f4f4; border-radius: 4px; flex-grow: 0; height: 14px; width: 144px;"> </div> </div> <p style="color: #c9c8cd; font-family: Arial,sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 17px; margin-bottom: 0; margin-top: 8px; overflow: hidden; padding: 8px 0 7px; text-align: center; text-overflow: ellipsis; white-space: nowrap;"><a style="color: #c9c8cd; font-family: Arial,sans-serif; font-size: 14px; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: 17px; text-decoration: none;" href="https://www.instagram.com/p/DBP0rqgSCm5/?utm_source=ig_embed&utm_campaign=loading" target="_blank" rel="noopener">A post shared by Australian Bureau of Statistics (@absstats)</a> </div> </blockquote> The trouble with below-level births and an ageing population is that the local age structure is not sufficient to meet the <a href="https://treasury.gov.au/intergenerational-report">needs of the workforce</a>. Simply, the local Australian population cannot meet the economic needs of the nation, and this has the potential to see living standards go backwards. Immigration helps offset the adverse consequences of an ageing population. Population change occurs due to births, deaths and migration. Commonly known as the population balancing equation, population growth is expressed as: births minus deaths plus migration. Immigration makes up the majority of population growth in Australia and has done so consistently since <a href="https://www.aihw.gov.au/reports/australias-health/profile-of-australias-population">around 2005</a>, with the exception of international border closures during COVID. Natural increase – the balance of births minus deaths – also contributes to population growth in Australia. However, increasing deaths and declining births means the country is expected to see <a href="https://theconversation.com/eight-charts-on-how-australias-population-is-growing-and-changing-227153">natural decline by 2054</a>. <h2>Population problem</h2> In Australia, there has been a preoccupation with the <a href="https://www.aihw.gov.au/reports/australias-health/profile-of-australias-population">drivers of population change</a> since colonisation. Is the nation’s population <a href="https://digital-classroom.nma.gov.au/defining-moments/postwar-immigration-drive">growing too slowly</a>? <a href="https://www.themandarin.com.au/237985-australia-population-27-million-milestone/">Too fast</a>? Why are women having <a href="https://theconversation.com/women-in-rich-countries-are-having-fewer-kids-or-none-at-all-whats-going-on-229185#:%7E:text=Simply%2C%20women%20are%20often%20not,and%20buying%20a%20first%20home.">too few children</a>? Are the <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/politics/federal/abbott-calls-for-middle-class-women-to-have-more-children-20200128-p53vkx.html">wrong kind of women</a> having too many children? Will migrants <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2021-10-15/migrant-movement-in-australia-covid/100536114">want to come</a> to the country? Are there <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2024/mar/21/migration-numbers-australia-2023-rise">too many migrants</a> coming to Australia? Australia is rarely not in a state of <a href="https://theconversation.com/solving-the-population-problem-through-policy-110970">population panic</a>. Population panic once stemmed from being a small population in a big country vulnerable to external military attack. Now population panic is about the pace of growth being too great, due to immigration. And it doesn’t take much to stoke <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2022/oct/18/global-population-growth-8-billion-unfdp-united-nations-warning-alarmism">population fear</a>. Population is charged and offers an easy trigger point to leverage voters. Politicians on all sides of the ideological landscape know this and use population discourse effectively for political gain. <figure><iframe src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/h5CubF42DGI?wmode=transparent&start=0" width="440" height="260" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe></figure> Since the <a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/41110698">early 1900s</a>, Australia’s history has been dotted with inquiries into growth and birth rates. In fact, at the time of colonisation, the male-dominated imbalance in the colony sparked calls for more women from Britain – <a href="https://unsw.press/books/the-future-of-us/">of suitable status</a> – to help arrest high rates of hooliganism, drunkenness, and sexually transmitted infections. Women of standing were believed to help socialise the nation and provide essential children for nation building. Nothing much has changed really, with the Treasurer Jim Chalmers saying in the lead up to the 2024 federal budget: “<a href="https://youtu.be/JLzp53D6thg?si=p8YheMdF0-ndO9DB">It would be better if birth rates were higher</a>”. <h2>So why aren’t women having babies?</h2> Australian federal treasurers have expressed concerns about birth rates over many years, across different governments. Chalmers wasn’t the first and he won’t be the last bemoaning below-replacement births. In 2004, then-treasurer Peter Costello <a href="https://ministers.treasury.gov.au/ministers/peter-costello-1996/transcripts/doorstop-interview-treasury-place-melbourne-16">famously said</a>: “have one for mum, one for dad and one for the country”. <a href="https://www.thenewdaily.com.au/finance/finance-news/2020/07/25/baby-bonus-frydenberg-costello">Josh Frydenberg, while treasurer, stated</a>: <blockquote> I won’t go as far as to say, like Peter Costello, “one for the mother, one for the father and one for the country”. But [what] I can say is that people should feel encouraged about the future and the more children that we have across the country, together with our migration, we will build our population growth and that will be good for the economy.“ </blockquote> In the 1940s, Australia held an inquiry into falling birth rates, and following the second world war Australians were called on to populate or perish. During the 1940s inquiry, <a href="https://catalogue.nla.gov.au/catalog/1786445">women were invited to make submissions</a> reflecting how difficult motherhood was and how unsupported they were: "You men in easy chairs say ‘populate or perish’. Well, I have populated and I have perished – with no blankets.” Many Australians now won’t achieve their desired family size because contemporary life is simply not conducive to having children. Having no or fewer children is now a forced outcome for a growing number of Australians. The barriers to having a child are now insurmountable for far too many. Housing affordability, gender inequality, financial insecurity and climate change make for an unstable and uncertain future. Young Australians are carrying the burden of the nation’s future and the burden is simply too much. They have seen the generational bargain crumble and are being denied a future because of the failings of politics past. <h2>Permanent versus net overseas migration</h2> Among the many nuances missing from the population debate is the difference in the terminology used to refer to immigration. From a planning point of view, permanent migration is discussed; from a population perspective, net overseas migration applies. The difference between the two is stark and used in a smoke and mirrors way to hide reality or harm an opponent. Government has much control over permanent migration, little control over net overseas migration. Permanent migration refers to the cap of permanent visas granted. The permanent migration program is reviewed annually by the <a href="https://immi.homeaffairs.gov.au/what-we-do/migration-program-planning-levels">Department of Home Affairs</a> with input from select experts, peak bodies, and government. Permanent migration <a href="https://www.aph.gov.au/About_Parliament/Parliamentary_departments/Parliamentary_Library/Budget/reviews/2023-24/Immigration">has fluctuated over the past ten years</a>, reflecting political point scoring. Under Tony Abbott’s government in 2014-15, permanent migration was just under 190,000. The permanent migration remained in the 180,000s until declining to over 160,000 in 2017-18 under Scott Morrison. Morrison also reduced permanent migration further to around 144,000 in 2021-22. In its final year, the Morrison government flagged increasing the planning level for <a href="https://treasury.gov.au/sites/default/files/2021-06/p2021-182464.pdf">permanent migration to 190,000</a>. Planning levels under the Anthony Albanese government were 195,000 and 190,000 in 2022-23 and 2023-24 respectively. The permanent migration program ceiling is set to decline by 5,000 places to 185,000 in 2024-25 under Albanese. Opposition Leader Peter Dutton has also announced his party would reduce permanent numbers to 140,000, seemingly linking <a href="https://www.liberal.org.au/latest-news/2024/05/16/leader-oppositions-budget-address-reply">housing affordability to permanent migration</a>. Dutton has also said his party would cut net overseas migration (NOM) but has since <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2024-12-08/dutton-walks-back-promise-to-cut-net-migration/10469921">backtracked on his plan</a>, possibly because he realised it couldn’t be done. <blockquote class="twitter-tweet"> Explaining the 2024 Migration Surge A recent surge in net migration has become a hot topic, with politicians & media linking it to housing pressures. But what is Net Migration? And do we really have unusually high volumes of migration? <a href="https://t.co/TjzwbtGqsF">https://t.co/TjzwbtGqsF</a> <a href="https://t.co/aFHXIeC4ay">pic.twitter.com/aFHXIeC4ay</a> — Alan Gamlen (@alangamlen) <a href="https://twitter.com/alangamlen/status/1795721881699664286?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">May 29, 2024</a></blockquote> Net overseas migration feeds into population estimates and is the balance of incoming minus outgoing migration. <a href="https://immi.homeaffairs.gov.au/what-we-do/migration-program-planning-levels?fbclid=PAZXh0bgNhZW0CMTEAAaZPBEWLyQJhkvB8_SaqYBSgRdV_rx4Kjy86bbkugYRsOO2cukAoD2wd5dM_aem_AcfxCup1XXR8DP4ZaRfFTFaXggVYw8b8TyNLWsw-3fIenPm_wsx7xM0zfsZHmQ2OjYi0H-YUQdLxUjQUcT47Feij#:%7E:text=Net%20overseas%20migration%20%E2%80%93%20relationship%20with,New%20Zealanders%20and%20Humanitarian%20migrants">NOM is comprised</a> of temporary and permanent migration and includes refugees, students, working holiday makers, and even Australian and New Zealand citizens. A cut to the permanent migration program is unlikely to affect net overseas migration numbers. NOM is set to return to <a href="https://budget.gov.au/content/bp3/download/bp3_14_appendix_a.pdf">recent historical average</a> even without reduced permanent numbers. Most people granted permanency are <a href="https://immi.homeaffairs.gov.au/what-we-do/migration-program-planning-levels?fbclid=IwZXh0bgNhZW0CMTEAAR1aJLdjyJotVfICnc2Ge8vcrJ6DMCaPC4XfDOST9owl1qS4YfBYCKYPkBw_aem_AcegFZW0_vafT8J90jDFyG8aVhMd2f0Ab_9EqE1Y38Q5vuVT5NExZi5Um2BrkpHg0odl0odbI0pDfnUE7A34PRhi">already in the country</a>. What will occur with a reduced migration program is increased temporariness. Increased temporariness has the potential to erode social cohesion, harming migrants and Australian society overall. Just like births, populist tactics are used when talking immigration for quick political point scoring. It works, but is it good for people? <h2>Turning on ourselves</h2> Demography is often used against the population in a peculiar ploy to win political points. Take gender. Fewer birth means less expenditure on paid parental leave and superannuation for those receiving parental leave. Announcing <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2024-05-14/federal-budget-pledges-superannuation-into-paid-parental-leave/103846312">increased</a> paid parental leave benefits and superannuation while knowing births are set to be fewer is political genius. Chalmers announced exactly this in the 2024 budget. <blockquote class="twitter-tweet"> BREAKING: Parliament has just passed our bill to expand Paid Parental Leave to 26 weeks. On top of that, we've announced a plan to pay super on PPL from 1 July 2025 - all part of our efforts to ensure women earn more, keep more of what they earn & retire with more as well <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/auspol?src=hash&ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#auspol</a> <a href="https://t.co/p3p4ib6sed">pic.twitter.com/p3p4ib6sed</a> — Jim Chalmers MP (@JEChalmers) <a href="https://twitter.com/JEChalmers/status/1769541268739080507?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">March 18, 2024</a></blockquote> The government says it’s doing more for women and mothers, but what it’s actually doing is a <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2024-05-20/paid-parental-leave-payments-saving-millions-fertility-rate/103866506">whole lot of nothing</a>. There is no substantive examination of why women are saying no to motherhood. Demographic insights have enabled an effective political sleight of hand to give the illusion of doing something when actually not doing much at all. Blaming population growth for the housing crisis is another stroke of political mastery. Talking tough on population (immigration) while promoting and relying on immigration is a tale as old as Australia’s ageing population. When in opposition the talk is tough; when in government, actions speak louder than words. Governments and oppositions, no matter the political leaning, make promises and then realise immigration is the economic safety raft keep the economy afloat. <a href="https://ministers.treasury.gov.au/ministers/jim-chalmers-2022/speeches/budget-speech-2024-25">Chalmers talked tough</a> on immigration in his 2024 budget speech, pointing the finger of blame towards immigration for all manner of things, <blockquote> […] we’re addressing the pressures caused by population growth, with net overseas migration next year now expected to be half what it was last year. </blockquote> But the government can’t take the credit for lowering NOM – nothing they did lowered the artificially high rates of NOM Australia saw post COVID border reopening. Yes, the Albanese government has introduced changes to <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/australia-tightens-student-visa-rules-migration-hits-record-high-2024-03-21/">build integrity</a> into the <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/australia-raises-minimum-savings-student-visa-warns-fake-recruitment-2024-05-08/">migration system</a>, but NOM figures were set to decline anyway. It comes down to the way it is calculated. Border closures in Australia saw NOM fall to <a href="https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/people/population/overseas-migration/2022-23-financial-year">-88,000 in 2020-21</a>. That’s negative nearly 90,000 people. <hr /> <iframe id="datawrapper-chart-9amUU" style="border: none;" title="Overseas migration in Australia from 2014 to 2024" src="https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/9amUU/1/" width="100%" height="426" frameborder="0" scrolling="no" aria-label="Interactive line chart" data-external="1"></iframe> <hr /> This was the first such decline outside wartime in Australia’s recorded history. A big deal. Temporary migrants, including students, left Australia prematurely at the onset and peak of COVID-related measures. Morrison, prime minister at the time, told international students and temporary visa holders to “go home”, while saying those with critical skills <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2020-04-03/coronavirus-pm-tells-international-students-time-to-go-to-home/12119568">could stay and contribute</a>: “For those backpackers in Australia who are nurses or doctors, or have other critical skills that can really help us during this crisis, then there will be opportunities for them”. Expendability of migrants echoed in this statement. What happened with the NOM during COVID closed borders was essentially a calculation reset. Higher than expected numbers of people left Australia prematurely. Students, especially, left Australia prior to their studies finishing. This resulted in greater outgoings of NOM than the recent average. NOM restarted the moment borders reopened, but because so many brought forward their exit the number of incomers weren’t balanced by the usual outflow of people. Taking a longer view of NOM prior to and since COVID-related measures shows smoother growth than popular media suggests. But nuance is hard to articulate in small soundbites, especially when the language of otherness is so enticing. <h2>Creating the ‘other’</h2> <a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/14705958231216936">The language of otherness</a> is used extensively in the population (immigration) narrative. Dutton played population bingo with his use of the word “foreign” in his 2024 budget reply speech referring to students, ending investment, and interference. Dutton also blamed migrants for road congestion and pressure on local services. His speech was a populist symphony. When in opposition, members of the now government also made disparaging comments about migrants. For example, <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/national/do-we-want-migrants-to-return-in-the-same-numbers-the-answer-is-no-20200501-p54p2q.html">Kristina Keneally</a> wrote an opinion piece suggesting migrants were taking jobs from locals. Fear about population is easily manufactured, and once created enables a fix the playmaker can resolve. Much like a David Copperfield magic special. The trouble with these tactics is in the enormous <a href="https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/people/population/australias-population-country-birth/latest-release">diversity in Australia</a> – we risk turning on ourselves and eroding already fraying social cohesion. <h2>Shaping Australia</h2> Our preoccupation with population largely reflects the central place people and demography hold in the economy and very function of the nation. But we appear to have lost our heads, instead problematising the very heart of what makes us Australian: the people. Demography is a slow-moving train, and based on past and current trends population science can somewhat predict the future. The populist playbook results in population (namely immigration) used for political point scoring, to the detriment of the people, particularly the young. Australia is by no means perfect. There is much work to be done to fix the multiple crises the nation is confronted with – housing affordability, financial insecurity, gender inequality, and climate change. A sensible approach to population and immigration is needed to ensure living standards don’t go backwards. Migrants help us weather the demographic headwinds. Rather than use population for political gain, we need instead to harness the power of demography to solve our way out of the gigantic mess we’re in. The key is ensuring young people have a future worth living. <hr /> This is an edited extract from <a href="https://thamesandhudson.com.au/product/how-australian-democracy-works-and-why-we-need-it-more-than-ever/">How Australian Democracy Works</a>, a new collection of essays from The Conversation on all aspects of the country’s political landscape.<img style="border: none !important; box-shadow: none !important; margin: 0 !important; max-height: 1px !important; max-width: 1px !important; min-height: 1px !important; min-width: 1px !important; opacity: 0 !important; outline: none !important; padding: 0 !important;" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/230409/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" /> By <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/liz-allen-10193">Liz Allen</a>, Demographer, POLIS Centre for Social Policy Research, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/australian-national-university-877">Australian National University</a> This article is republished from <a href="https://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/population-panic-how-demography-is-used-for-political-gain-230409">original article</a>. Image: Shutterstock </div>

Money & Banking

“They are treating us like chumps": Karl fires up over supermarket practices

In a heated interview on the Today show, Karl Stefanovic confronted Treasurer Jim Chalmers over the conduct of major supermarket chains, accusing them of treating Australian consumers like "chumps". The exchange followed the release of the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission’s (ACCC) final report into supermarket practices, highlighting concerns over price-gouging, misleading discounts and "shrinkflation". The ACCC’s inquiry found that the dominance of Woolworths, which controls 38% of the national grocery market, and Coles, which holds 29%, has resulted in an “oligopolistic” effect. Despite this, the regulator refrained from endorsing Opposition Leader Peter Dutton’s call for greater powers to dismantle the supermarket giants, cautioning that there was no “silver bullet” solution. Treasurer Chalmers acknowledged the ongoing cost-of-living pressures, saying that “Australians are still feeling that pressure at the checkout. And that’s why we’re cracking down on the supermarkets.” He added that the government was working to foster greater competition in the industry to prevent further consumer exploitation. However, Stefanovic challenged Chalmers, arguing that no significant changes had been made to curb supermarket dominance. “They are treating us like chumps and they continue to,” he said. “And I’ve not seen anything that’s going to stop them from doing that.” Chalmers then defended the government’s economic policies, citing key improvements including declining inflation, rising real wages and economic growth. “We know that people are still under pressure,” he admitted but insisted that progress was being made. In response to the ACCC report, Coles issued a statement claiming the company also faces financial pressures, including rising rents and electricity costs. “We do not control these inflationary costs in the economy – but they contribute to higher grocery prices for Australian households,” the statement read. Coles also defended its pricing strategy, stating that grocery inflation (excluding tobacco) remained at just 1% for the first half of the financial year. The company assured that it is reviewing the ACCC’s recommendations and has already implemented changes to improve pricing transparency and customer communication. Images: The Today show

Money & Banking

Woman slammed for using GoFundMe for house deposit

A woman has been relentlessly mocked online after launching a GoFundMe page to ask strangers to contribute money to her house deposit. Emmalee Potter, a mother-of-three from Victoria, wrote on the page that she had been "suffering a rough few years" and relying on friends and family for help with accommodation. Now however, Potter is finally in the position where she is tantalising close to being able to purchase her new home after "working hard towards saving", but still finds herself $3,000 short of her goal. As she wrote on the fundraising page, "I'm almost at the final stage but I'm short on the deposit so I'm calling on my village. Please help me get over this last hurdle, every little bit truly helps, a house is more than just a place to live." "It's a foundation for the next chapter of life, a space where memories are made, and where I can really begin to feel settled. Your donation, no matter the size, will go directly toward helping me achieve this dream." While Ms Potter thanked those who could contribute, many were not impressed at her using the platform in order to fund her house. "No hate but you expect people to donate to you so you can buy a house?" one person asked, while another added, "I'm sorry but that is ridiculous. If we are all going to start GoFundMe accounts, I may as well start one so I can go on a holiday to Greece." Another person wrote, "It's a tough time for everyone trying to buy a house, especially with the cost of living, so I'm kind of confused why you're asking for donations. The first paragraph of your listing says 'I'm now in a position to purchase a home' but you're asking strangers to send you money for the deposit?" Ms Potter defended the fundraising page as she responded to one outraged commenter, writing, "It's not about 'funding me a house' it's the small amount still needed to buy something." "Me and my kids are living in a room at my friends. Buying is actually cheaper than renting. We've applied for over 100 rentals and been knocked back. I can get the home loan and pay the repayments [I'm] just needing the last bit of the deposit." Others were quick to defend the woman, as one person wrote, "There's nothing wrong with asking for help." Image credits: GoFundMe / Facebook

Money & Banking

"It's time": ABC legend announces retirement

ABC’s chief election analyst Antony Green has announced his plans to step down from the public broadcaster after 30 years in his distinguished role. Green announced that he would be retiring after the next federal election, which is rumoured to take place between March and May 2025. “By the time of the next election, I’ll be 68 and I know I’m not as sharp and quick as I was five years ago,” Green said, according to the ABC. “It gets harder and harder. It’s like a footballer, sometimes they play on a season too long, and I’m making sure I don’t do that.” Green, who has covered more than 90 Australian elections, said it was “time to retire” but he would “stay on” for a couple years “handing over work and doing other things”. “Essentially I’m deciding to retire and work less,” Green said. “I got this job as an election worker 36 years ago and I decided I enjoyed doing it – I’ve done a lot of development since. It’s been a long, fun journey.” Green’s final on-air appearances will be the West Australian state election on March 8th and the federal election, which is yet to be announced. Casey Briggs will step in as ABC’s chief election and data analyst after Green's departure, as she announced he would be missed. “For more than three decades Antony Green has set the bar for election analysis. He is sharp, fast and, even under the immense pressure of the night, manages to keep his sense of humour,” Briggs said. “For me, it has been such a privilege to have had a front-row seat to watch and learn from the master at work." “We will all miss him from our screens, but I’m thankful that at least we get a couple more chances to celebrate his monumental contribution to Australia and its democracy.” ABC journalist Annabel Crabb said covering four federal elections with him had been “one of the great pleasures of (her) professional life”. “What a gift it is to our democracy and to our national broadcaster that in 1989 this wee maths nerd saw the ad in the paper for a research position at the ABC and the late Ian Carroll recognised in him the sprouts of the Tree Of Wisdom he’d become!” Crabb wrote in a social media post. “A legendary figure. A migrant success story. A generous colleague.” Image credits: ABC

Retirement Life

Use it or lose it as historic super cap prepares to expire

Jordan Kennedy is a Partner at accounting and advisory firm Pitcher Partners Sydney. Australians could be sitting on a golden opportunity to spur their super savings this year — but if they don’t act fast, they will miss out. That’s because in July they will lose the entitlement to claim any unused superannuation tax concessions from 2019-20, known as the concessional cap. The concessional cap is the total annual amount that can be contributed into super by a person’s employer, through salary sacrifice or claimed as a tax deduction, before the person is charged at the ordinary taxable rate. In other words, for most Australians there is a gap between what they or their employer contribute each year and the total amount they could contribute, taking advantage of tax concessions. In 2019-20, that capped amount was $25,000, and unless people were making or receiving contributions above the superannuation guarantee, they would have needed to earn about $260,000 to hit the cap. If they didn’t, there may still be ‘available’ cap that has built up over the last five years and can be used to access the 15% tax rate on earnings — until July 1, when the cap expires. While this sounds technical, reviewing past superannuation contributions and checking to see that caps have been maxed out is one of the easiest ways to achieve a tax deduction. Of course, there are a few aspects to this strategy that bear consideration. The concession cap system is a use it or lose it play. Any gap between contributions and cap will expire after five years, so this is the last chance to retrospectively boost your superannuation using the 2019-20 cap. That said, as this is the first year we have seen the cap expire, it might have slipped the minds of many. Even if you have maxed out the cap for that year, you should take the opportunity to look at more recent years as well to see if you have been carrying forward an available pool of tax concessions. The second thing to note is that the vast majority of Australians will have a tax cap opportunity available. For anyone on an average salary, the cap gap can grow by $10,000 or more each year, unless additional contributions are made through salary sacrifice or as a tax deduction. The concession is also available for those who might have stopped work to have children or who are reducing their workload approaching retirement. Check with your accountant or your super fund — you might have tens of thousands of dollars in tax concessions available for use. Thirdly, consider your timing. If you know you will have tax capacity in coming years, try to time your use for those years where you have a significant tax event, such as realising capital gains. This can reduce your tax liability without disrupting your other plans. In this case, seeking strategic advice is extremely important to determine the optimal outcome for your circumstances. And finally, recognise there are exceptions. People whose superannuation balance is already over $500,000 are excluded from taking advantage of the cap rollover, but could still benefit from advice on how they should balance their tax liabilities while maximising their superannuation. Whatever your circumstance, speaking to a qualified, independent advisor is the first step to ensure you are working within the complex rules that govern super and taking best advantage of the tax concessions available. But if there is an opportunity to reduce your tax liability for limited effort, you would be mad not to explore your options. Image credits: Shutterstock

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