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Sussan Ley elected first female leader of the Liberal Party

Sussan Ley has been elected as the new leader of the Liberal Party, defeating shadow treasurer Angus Taylor in a tightly contested party room vote, 29 to 25. In doing so, she becomes Australia’s first female opposition leader and the most senior woman in the party’s 80-year history. The leadership spill followed the Liberal Party’s devastating loss in the federal election on May 3, which saw then-leader Peter Dutton lose his seat in a historic defeat. The party convened at Parliament House on Tuesday morning to determine a new leadership team and chart a path forward. Ley, 63, has been a Liberal MP since 2001 and most recently served as deputy leader under Dutton. A former environment and health minister, she represents the regional New South Wales seat of Farrer. Her election marks the first time since the 1990s that a regionally based politician has led the federal opposition. Chief opposition whip Melissa Price announced the result just after 10:15am. Ted O’Brien, a Queensland MP and former energy spokesman, was elected deputy leader with 38 votes, defeating Phil Thompson, who received 16. Jacinta Nampijinpa Price, who had been expected to stand as Taylor’s deputy, withdrew from the contest following Taylor’s leadership loss. Born in Kano, Nigeria, Ley has a diverse background, having worked as a wool and beef farmer, tax office executive, and pilot. A mother of three and grandmother of six, she has long been seen as a resilient figure in Liberal ranks. Her academic journey includes a bachelor’s degree in economics from La Trobe University and master’s degrees in tax and accounting. Ley's career in politics has spanned the leaderships of Tony Abbott, Malcolm Turnbull, and Scott Morrison. She resigned from cabinet in 2017 over an expenses controversy, but returned to hold industry and small business portfolios from 2022. In the wake of the party’s election defeat, Ley has called for a reset in direction and tone. Speaking last Friday, she acknowledged the loss as a wake-up call. “We suffered a significant election defeat and since then, I have been having many conversations with my colleagues, members of the community, members of the party, and everyday Australians. I have listened,” she said on Sunrise. “We got it wrong. We need to do things differently, going forward, and we do need a fresh approach.” Ley now faces the task of rebuilding the Liberal Party’s credibility and unity from the opposition benches, as it seeks to reconnect with voters and prepare for the next federal contest. Image: Instagram

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Gina Rinehart urges Liberal Party to embrace Trumpism after crushing defeat

Mining billionaire and Australia’s richest person, Gina Rinehart, has urged the Liberal Party to adopt policies inspired by Donald Trump in the wake of the Coalition's heavy federal election loss over the weekend. In a statement <a href="https://www.ginarinehart.com.au/comment-from-mrs-gina-rinehart-ao-regarding-the-election-results/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">published on her personal website</a>, Rinehart blamed the defeat on left-leaning media outlets and what she described as the party's failure to adopt bold, pro-business, Trump-style reforms. “The left media did a very successful effort, frightening many in the Liberal Party from anything Trump and away from any Trump-like policies,” Rinehart wrote. “This has been especially obvious this year, with the Liberals instead becoming known as the 'me too' party. Trump-style ‘make Australia great’ policies via cutting government tape, government bureaucracy and wastage, and hence being able to cut taxes, [were] too scarce in Australia this year.” Rinehart, whose net worth is estimated at $46.5 billion, has long supported the Liberal Party and has personally backed senior figures including former opposition leader Peter Dutton, notably providing him with flights on her private jet. She is also a vocal Trump supporter, having attended his election night party at Mar-a-Lago last year. Under Dutton’s leadership, the Coalition campaigned on cutting tens of thousands of public service jobs and named Senator Jacinta Nampijinpa Price as the shadow spokesperson for government efficiency – moves widely seen as echoing Trump-era governance tactics. Despite Rinehart’s praise, Trump himself distanced from Dutton this week, telling reporters he had "no idea" who the former Liberal leader was, while describing re-elected Prime Minister Anthony Albanese as "very good" and "very, very nice". Rinehart’s position contrasts sharply with that of many within the political mainstream who argue that aligning with Trump-like policies alienates centrist voters. During election night coverage, Nationals Senator Bridget McKenzie acknowledged that the "Trump factor" may have influenced voter sentiment and contributed to the Coalition’s defeat. Former senior Liberals have also weighed in. Simon Birmingham, former Senate leader and finance minister, argued the party must reclaim its centrist identity. “The broadchurch model of a party that successfully melds liberal and conservative thinking is clearly broken,” Birmingham said. “The Liberal Party is not seen as remotely liberal and the brand of conservatism projected is clearly perceived as too harsh and out of touch.” Still, Rinehart remains unmoved in her call for a sharp ideological pivot to the right. “No doubt the left media will now try to claim that the Liberal loss was because the Liberal Party followed Trump and became too right! The two simply don't add up,” she said. “It’s important to not throw away truth and analysing skills, and instead learn from the loss and rebuild.” Rinehart also took aim at what she sees as a lack of economic understanding among Australians, stating that “too many Aussies seem very short on understanding that new investment is needed to create revenue and living standards”. Despite her disappointment with the election outcome, Rinehart concluded her statement with a conciliatory note, wishing Albanese well as he begins his second term. “Australians have overwhelmingly voted in a returning ... PM and government, we must wish him well, with carefully considered policies,” she wrote. Image: ginarinehart.com.au

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When can you expect to benefit from Albanese's election promises?

Following the sweeping victory for Prime Minister Anthony Albanese and the Labor Party over the weekend, Australians are now looking to the government to deliver on a suite of cost-of-living promises aimed at easing financial pressures across the country. Finance expert and Money editor Effie Zahos told the Today show that the scale of the Labor win should pave the way for campaign commitments to be swiftly translated into policy. "The strength of the government's win should make the passage from promise into law a lot easier," Zahos said. "And there were so many promises made – everything from a two-year beer tax freeze to a new 1800 Medicare line." Among the most anticipated reforms is a no-receipt $1000 tax deduction for work-related expenses, set to roll out on July 1 next financial year. Zahos described the measure as an "exciting" step in a broader tax overhaul, but she also offered a word of caution: "This is a tax deduction, not a refund. So how much you get will come down to your tax bracket. Assuming you're on a 30 per cent tax rate, your relief will be $300." The Albanese government estimates around six million Australians will benefit, with average savings of $205 per person. However, a broader income tax cut for those earning between $45,000 and $80,201 – reducing the rate from 16 per cent to 14 per cent – won't take effect until July 1, 2027. Housing and Construction Promises On the housing front, the government has committed to enabling five per cent deposits for home buyers and offering shared equity loans, starting July 1. However, Zahos noted that implementation could vary. "The shared equity one still is uncertain because they've got to be pushed out through the states as well," she said. Additional measures include the construction of 100,000 new homes and a $10,000 bonus for apprentice tradies such as bricklayers, electricians, carpenters, and plumbers living away from home. The bonus will be distributed in $2000 instalments beginning in the new financial year. Support for Students and Parents In a bid to appeal to younger voters, the government has pledged to cut 20 per cent off student HELP debts before June 1. The move is expected to reduce the average student loan by more than $5000. From January 5, 2026, parents will be entitled to three days of subsidised childcare per week – a policy that removes the activity test, meaning employment will no longer be a requirement for access. Energy Relief on the Horizon Households can also expect temporary relief on energy costs, with rebates and a 30 per cent discount on home batteries starting from July 1. But Zahos warned these benefits will expire by the end of 2025. "And then the pain will continue," she said, hinting at the ongoing challenges Australians face despite the short-term reprieve. With expectations high and timelines tight, all eyes are now on the Albanese government to turn its electoral promises into tangible support for everyday Australians. Image: ABC News

Money & Banking

Coalition faces leadership crisis after devastating defeat

The Coalition is reeling from a crushing federal election defeat that has triggered a leadership vacuum, widespread soul-searching, and an urgent need for reinvention. After suffering an historic landslide loss, the party is now sifting through the wreckage of what many insiders are calling one of the most chaotic and miscalculated campaigns in recent memory. Opposition Leader Peter Dutton fronted the media on election night to accept responsibility for the outcome, which saw the loss of several senior Liberal figures and a significant erosion of the party's base. "There are good members, good candidates who have lost their seats or their ambition. And I'm sorry for that," Dutton said in a sombre concession speech. Nationals leader David Littleproud pointed to what he described as a brutal character assassination campaign by Labor, which he claimed rendered Dutton "unelectable in his own electorate and across the country". But political analysts say the problems run much deeper than Dutton’s public image. Nine’s national affairs editor Andrew Probyn argued that the Coalition failed to present a coherent and inspiring vision to voters, despite widespread discontent over cost-of-living pressures. Among the missteps was a proposal to end remote work for public servants – a plan that was swiftly abandoned early in the campaign – and a pledge to cut 41,000 public service jobs. The job-slashing rhetoric drew uncomfortable comparisons to the political style of Donald Trump, a connection reinforced by Senator Jacinta Nampijinpa Price’s controversial “make Australia great again” remark. “Restoring a viable opposition will start with recognising what went wrong,” Probyn said. “And it’ll need a new leader who’s prepared to take the party in a new direction.” Among those tipped to contest the leadership are Angus Taylor, Andrew Hastie, Sussan Ley and Dan Tehan. Former Coalition Minister Christopher Pyne echoed calls for change, urging the party to shift back towards the political centre if it hopes to win back mainstream support. Treasurer Jim Chalmers, fresh from Labor’s emphatic win, said voters had rejected what he termed the Coalition’s “backward-looking pessimism”. Nine political editor Charles Croucher said the result reflected a “seismic shift” in the electorate. “Labor ran a very disciplined campaign, surprised the electorate with tax cuts, and executed brutally effective attacks on Peter Dutton,” he said. Croucher also pointed to external factors that compounded the Coalition’s woes, including the global impact of Donald Trump’s tariffs and the party’s faltering stance on nuclear power. “For the Coalition, the campaign was disastrous,” he said. “Bad plus bad plus bad equals really bad for Peter Dutton.” As the dust settles, the Coalition must not only choose a new leader, but also decide what kind of party it wants to be in a rapidly changing political landscape. Image: ABC News

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Older Australians are also hurting from the housing crisis. Where are the election policies to help them?

<div class="theconversation-article-body"> It would be impossible at this stage in the election campaign to be unaware that housing is a critical, potentially vote-changing, issue. But the suite of policies being proposed by the <a href="https://theconversation.com/how-do-the-coalition-and-labor-plans-on-housing-differ-and-what-have-they-ignored-253337">major parties</a> largely focus on young, first home buyers. What is glaringly noticeable is the lack of measures to improve availability and affordability for older people. Modern older lives are diverse, yet older people have become too easily pigeonholed. No more so than in respect to property, where a perception has flourished that older people own more than their fair share of housing wealth. While the value of housing has no doubt increased, home <a href="https://www.aihw.gov.au/reports/australias-welfare/home-ownership-and-housing-tenure#:%7E:text=The%20home%20ownership%20rate%20of,compared%20with%2036%25%20in%202021.">ownership rates</a> among people reaching retirement age has actually declined since the mid-1990s. Older people can also face <a href="https://www.anglicare.asn.au/research-advocacy/rental-affordability/">rental stress and homelessness</a> – with almost 20,000 <a href="https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/people/housing/estimating-homelessness-census/latest-release">homeless people</a> in Australia aged over 55. Severe housing stress is a key contributing to those homelessness figures. It’s easy to blame older Australians for causing, or exacerbating, the housing crisis. But doing so ignores the fact that right now, our housing system is badly failing many older people too. <h2>No age limits</h2> Owning a home has traditionally provided financial security for retirees, especially ones relying on the age pension. This is so much so, that home ownership is sometimes described as the “fourth pillar” of Australia’s retirement system. But housing has become more expensive – to rent or buy – for everyone. Falling rates of <a href="https://grattan.edu.au/report/money-in-retirement/">home ownership</a> combined with carriage of mortgage debt into retirement, restricted access to shrinking stocks of social housing, and lack of housing affordability in the private rental market have a particular impact on older people. <h2>Housing rethink</h2> Housing policy for older Australians has mostly focused on age-specific options, such as retirement villages and aged care. Taking such a limited view excludes other potential solutions from across the broader housing system that should be considered. Furthermore, not all older people want to live in a retirement village, and fewer than <a href="https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/health/disability/disability-ageing-and-carers-australia-summary-findings/latest-release#:%7E:text=5.5%20million%20Australians%20(21.4%25),a%20profound%20or%20severe%20disability.">5% of older people</a> live in residential aged care. During my <a href="https://www.churchilltrust.com.au/fellow/victoria-cornell-sa-2019/">Churchill Fellowship study</a> exploring alternative, affordable models of housing for older people, I discovered three cultural themes that are stopping us from having a productive conversation about housing for older people. <ul> <li> Australia’s tradition of home ownership undervalues renting and treats housing as a commodity, not a basic need. This disadvantages older renters and those on low income. </li> <li> There’s a stigma regarding welfare in Australia, which influences who is seen as “deserving” and shapes the policy responses. </li> <li> While widely encouraged, “ageing-in-place” means different things to different people. It can include formal facilities or the family home that needs modifications to make it habitable as someone ages. </li> </ul> These themes are firmly entrenched, often driven by policy narratives such as the primacy of home ownership over renting. In the past 50 years or so, many have come to view welfare, such as social housing, as a <a href="https://www.ahuri.edu.au/research/final-reports/390">last resort</a>, and have aimed to age in their family home or move into a “desirable” retirement village. <h2>Variety is key</h2> A more flexible approach could deliver housing for older Australians that is more varied in design, cost and investment models. The promises made so far by political parties to help younger home buyers are welcome. However, the housing system is a complex beast and there is no single quick fix solution. First and foremost, a national housing and homelessness plan is required, which also involves the states and territories. The plan must include explicit consideration of housing options for older people. Funding for housing developments needs to be more flexible in terms of public-private sector investment and direct government assistance that goes beyond first home buyer incentives. <h2>International models</h2> For inspiration, we could look to Denmark, which has developed numerous <a href="https://www.spatialagency.net/database/co-housing">co-housing communities</a>. Co-housing models generally involve self-managing communities where residents have their own private, self-contained home, supported by communal facilities and spaces. They can be developed and designed by the owner or by a social housing provider. They can be age-specific or multi-generational. Funding flexibility, planning and design are key to their success. Institutional investors include <ul> <li> so-called impact investors, who seek social returns and often accept lower financial returns </li> <li> community housing providers </li> <li> member-based organisations, such as mutuals and co-operatives. </li> </ul> Government also plays a part by expediting the development process and providing new pathways to more affordable ownership and rental options. Europe is also leading the way on social housing, where cultural attitudes are different from here. In Vienna, Austria, more than 60% of residents live in 440,000 <a href="https://www.wienerwohnen.at/wiener-gemeindebau/municipal-housing-in-vienna.html">socially provided homes</a>. These homes are available for a person’s entire life, with appropriate age-related modifications permitted if required. At over 20% of the total housing stock, <a href="https://lbf.dk/om-lbf/english-the-danish-social-housing-model/">social housing</a> is also a large sector in Denmark, where the state and municipalities support the construction of non-profit housing. <h2>Overcoming stereotyes</h2> Our population is ageing rapidly, and more older people are now renting or facing housing insecurity. If policymakers continue to ignore their housing needs, even more older people will be at risk of living on the street, and as a result will suffer poor health and social isolation. Overcoming stereotypes - such as the idea that all older people are wealthy homeowners - is key to building fairer, more inclusive solutions. This isn’t just about older Australians. It’s about creating a housing system that works for everyone, at every stage of life.<img style="border: none !important; box-shadow: none !important; margin: 0 !important; max-height: 1px !important; max-width: 1px !important; min-height: 1px !important; min-width: 1px !important; opacity: 0 !important; outline: none !important; padding: 0 !important;" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/255391/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" /> By <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/victoria-cornell-2372746">Victoria Cornell</a>, Research Fellow, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/flinders-university-972">Flinders University</a> This article is republished from <a href="https://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/older-australians-are-also-hurting-from-the-housing-crisis-where-are-the-election-policies-to-help-them-255391">original article</a>. Image: Shutterstock </div>

Money & Banking

Why are political parties allowed to send spam texts? And how can we make them stop?

<div class="theconversation-article-body"> Another election, another wave of unsolicited political texts. Over this campaign, our digital mailboxes have been stuffed with a slew of political appeals and promises, many from the new party Trumpet of Patriots (backed by Clive Palmer, a <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2019-01-11/clive-palmer-united-australia-party-unsolicited-text-messages/10709106">veteran</a> of the mass text campaign). The practice isn’t new, and it’s totally legal under current laws. It’s also non-partisan. Campaigns of all stripes have partaken. Behold, the Liberal Party’s <a href="https://www.sbs.com.au/news/article/liberal-party-defends-sending-text-messages-to-voters-on-asylum-seeker-boat-intercepts/mmqwk5508">last-minute SMS</a> to voters about asylum seekers before the 2022 federal election, or Labor’s controversial “<a href="https://www.smh.com.au/politics/federal/federal-election-2016-shorten-confirms-labor-sent-mediscare-text-20160705-gpzasl.html">Mediscare</a>” text before the 2016 poll. Despite multiple cycles of criticism, these tactics remain a persistent feature of Australian election campaigns. A recent proposal to update decades-old rules could help change things – if a government would put it into practice. <h2>What does the law say about political spam?</h2> Several laws regulate spam and data collection in Australia. First, there is the Spam Act. This legislation requires that organisations obtain our consent before sending us marketing emails, SMSs and instant messages. The unsubscribe links you see at the bottom of spam emails? Those are mandated by the Spam Act. Second, the Do Not Call Register (DNCR) Act. This Act establishes a “do not call” register, managed by the <a href="https://www.acma.gov.au/say-no-to-telemarketers">Australian Communications and Media Authority</a> (ACMA), which individuals can join to opt out of telemarketing calls. Finally, there is the Privacy Act, which governs how organisations collect, use and disclose our personal information. Among other things, the Privacy Act requires that organisations tell us when and why they are collecting our personal information, and the purposes for which they intend to use it. It restricts organisations from re-purposing personal information collected for a particular purpose, unless an exception applies. This trio of laws was designed to offer relief from unsolicited, unwanted direct marketing. It does not, however, stop the deluge of political spam at election time due to broad political exemptions sewn into the legislation decades ago. The Spam Act and DNCR Act apply to marketing for goods and services but not election policies and promises, while the Privacy Act contains a <a href="https://classic.austlii.edu.au/au/journals/UNSWLawJl/2021/21.html#fn13">carve-out</a> for political parties, representatives and their contractors. The upshot is that their campaigns are free to spam and target voters at will. Their only obligation is to disclose who authorised the message. <h2>How do political campaigns get our information?</h2> Secrecy about the nature and extent of campaign data operations, enabled by the exemptions, makes it difficult to pinpoint precisely where a campaign might have obtained your data from. There are, however, a number of ways political campaigns can acquire our information. One source is the electoral roll (though not for phone numbers, as the Australian Electoral Commission <a href="https://x.com/AusElectoralCom/status/1434752533294194692">often points out</a>). Incumbent candidates might build on this with information they obtain through contact with constituents which, thanks to the exemptions, they’re allowed to re-purpose for campaigning at election time. Another source is data brokers – firms which harvest, analyse and sell large quantities of data and profiles. We know the major parties have long maintained voter databases to support their targeting efforts, which have become <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2022-05-19/behind-liberal-labor-data-arms-race-this-election/101074696">increasingly sophisticated</a> over the years. Other outfits might take more haphazard approaches – former MP <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/politics/federal/united-australia-party-leader-craig-kelly-defends-spam-messages-20210829-p58mv7.html">Craig Kelly</a>, for example, claimed to use software to randomly generate numbers for his texting campaign in 2021. <h2>What can be done?</h2> Unwanted campaign texts are not only irritating to some. They can be misleading. This year, there have been <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2025-04-17/monique-ryan-polling-amelia-hamer-trust-fund-kooyong/105185290">reports</a> of “push polling” texts (pseudo surveys meant to persuade rather than gauge voter options) in the marginal seat of Kooyong. The AEC has <a href="https://www.aec.gov.au/media/2025/03-31a.htm">warned</a> about misleading postal vote applications being issued by parties via SMS. <figure class="align-right zoomable"><a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/664617/original/file-20250429-74-yothae.jpg?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/664617/original/file-20250429-74-yothae.jpg?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/664617/original/file-20250429-74-yothae.jpg?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=738&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/664617/original/file-20250429-74-yothae.jpg?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=738&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/664617/original/file-20250429-74-yothae.jpg?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=738&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/664617/original/file-20250429-74-yothae.jpg?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=927&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/664617/original/file-20250429-74-yothae.jpg?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=927&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/664617/original/file-20250429-74-yothae.jpg?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=927&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" alt="Screenshot of a text message from Trumpet of Patriots." /></a><figcaption>This election campaign has seen a flood of texts from Trumpet of Patriots, among others. The Conversation, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/">CC BY-SA</a></figcaption></figure> Generative AI is hastening the ability to produce misleading content, cheaply and at scale, which can be quickly pushed out across an array of online social and instant messaging services. In short, annoying texts are just one visible symptom of a wider vulnerability created by the political exemptions. The basic argument for the political exemptions is to facilitate freedom of political communication, which is protected by the Constitution. As the High Court has said, that freedom is necessary to support informed electoral choice. It does not, however, guarantee speakers a <a href="http://www6.austlii.edu.au/cgi-bin/viewdoc/au/cases/cth/HCA/2019/11.html">captive audience</a>. In 2022, the Attorney-General’s Department <a href="https://www.ag.gov.au/sites/default/files/2023-02/privacy-act-review-report_0.pdf">proposed</a> narrowing the political exemptions, as part of a suite of updates to the Privacy Act. Per the proposal, parties and representatives would need to be more transparent about their data operations, provide voters with an option to unsubscribe from targeted ads, refrain from targeting voters based on “sensitive information”, and handle data in a “fair and reasonable” manner. The changes would be an overdue but welcome step, recognising the <a href="https://bridges.monash.edu/articles/journal_contribution/Conceptualising_Voter_Privacy_in_the_Age_of_Data-Driven_Political_Campaigning/27330276?file=50073381">essential role</a> of voter privacy in a functioning democratic system. Unfortunately, the government has not committed to taking up the proposal. A bipartisan lack of support is likely the biggest obstacle, even as the gap created by the political exemptions widens, and its rationale becomes flimsier, with each election cycle.<img style="border: none !important; box-shadow: none !important; margin: 0 !important; max-height: 1px !important; max-width: 1px !important; min-height: 1px !important; min-width: 1px !important; opacity: 0 !important; outline: none !important; padding: 0 !important;" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/255413/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" /> By <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/tegan-cohen-1331144">Tegan Cohen</a>, Postdoctoral Research Fellow, Digital Media Research Centre, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/queensland-university-of-technology-847">Queensland University of Technology</a> This article is republished from <a href="https://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/why-are-political-parties-allowed-to-send-spam-texts-and-how-can-we-make-them-stop-255413">original article</a>. Image: Shutterstock </div>

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Chaotic ending to final leaders' debate ahead of election

In what historians are already calling The Great Final Showdown (With Bonus Egg Chat), Anthony Albanese has emerged victorious in the fourth and final leaders' debate, with Peter Dutton bravely losing while armed only with a calculator set to 1998 and a deep mistrust of mobile phones. Held six days before the election and hosted by Channel 7 (who have now applied for hazard pay), the debate covered serious national issues like cost of living, housing and why Elon Musk is apparently a Marvel villain. Dutton, swinging from the very first second like a man who accidentally stepped on a plug, declared: "This election is all about who can best manage the Australian economy..." before launching into a heartfelt monologue about crying families, inflation and the distinct lack of cheaper servo pies. Albanese, armed with his Clear Decisive Policies™, clapped back: "Australians have a real choice this Saturday to continue building Australia's future or go back to the past," ... which definitely didn’t sound at all like the slogan of a time-travel movie starring Dutton as a confused tourist in 1973. The real drama came when the leaders tried to guess the price of eggs, which quickly devolved into an episode of The Price is Wrong. Dutton confidently guessed that a half dozen free-range eggs cost "$4.20", missing the mark by about the same distance Pluto misses Earth. Albanese, meanwhile, coolly suggested "$7 if you can find them", proving once again that he’s a man of the people – or at least a man who occasionally braves the horror of the supermarket dairy aisle. Dutton, adopting the highly relatable persona of Uncle Who Complains at BBQs, complained that Welcome to Country ceremonies were "overdone", claiming: "It divides the country." In response, Albanese reminded everyone that Australia shares its continent with "the oldest continuous culture on earth", and managed not to roll his eyes even once, a feat of diplomacy possibly more impressive than anything discussed on foreign policy. Speaking of diplomacy, the two also managed a spirited debate on international relations when Albanese mused: "I'm not sure that he has a mobile phone, the US president, or Joe Biden." ... leading many to wonder if Albanese thinks Biden communicates solely through carrier pigeons or interpretive dance. Not to be outdone, Dutton called Elon Musk an "evil genius", officially making this the first Australian leaders' debate to include a Marvel Cinematic Universe reference. Albanese, playing it safer, described Musk as "Tesla, and a very rich man", thereby demonstrating a deep and comprehensive understanding of modern economics. When it came to energy policy, Dutton insisted that renewable energy was going to "wreck the economy", while Albanese insisted that it was actually already powering "10 million homes". Dutton’s alternative? Nuclear energy, because nothing says "vote for me" like proposing billion-dollar facilities that won't be ready until somewhere around the next ice age. At the end of the night, 60 undecided voters declared Albanese the winner by a margin that was less "narrow victory" and more "rugby team versus toddlers". Albanese took home 50% of the vote, while Dutton earned a modest 25% and the other 25% presumably began Googling "how to move to New Zealand". Whether that final debate will actually change the outcome of the election is unclear. What is clear is that both men left their marks – one as the man who priced eggs like it was still 2005, and the other as the guy who thinks world leaders might communicate exclusively by yelling really loudly across the Pacific Ocean. Images: Network Seven

Who will the next pope be? Here are some top contenders

<div class="theconversation-article-body"> The death of Pope Francis marks the end of a <a href="https://theconversation.com/pope-francis-has-died-aged-88-these-were-his-greatest-reforms-and-controversies-229111">historic papacy</a> and the beginning of a significant transition for the Catholic Church. As the faithful around the world mourn his passing, attention now turns to the next phase: the election of a new pope. This election will take place through a process known as <a href="https://theconversation.com/how-will-a-new-pope-be-chosen-an-expert-explains-the-conclave-250506">the conclave</a>. Typically held two to three weeks after a pope’s funeral, the conclave gathers the College of Cardinals in the Vatican’s Sistine Chapel. Here, through prayer, reflection and secret ballots, they must reach a two-thirds majority to choose the next Bishop of Rome. While, in theory, any baptised Catholic man can be elected, for the past seven centuries the role has gone to a cardinal. That said, the outcome can still be unpredictable – sometimes even surprising the electors themselves. <h2>An unlikely candidate</h2> Cardinal Jorge Mario Bergoglio – who became Pope Francis – wasn’t among the front-runners in 2013. Nonetheless, after five rounds of voting, he emerged as the top candidate. Something similar could happen again. This conclave will take place during a time of tension and change within the church. Francis sought to decentralise Vatican authority, emphasised caring for the poor and the planet, and tried to open dialogue on sensitive issues such as <a href="https://time.com/7267052/pope-francis-impact-on-the-lgbtq-community/">LGBTQIA+ inclusion</a> and <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/abuse-victims-say-they-saw-progress-under-pope-francis-just-not-enough-2025-04-22/">clerical abuse</a>. The cardinals must now decide whether to continue in this direction, or steer towards a more traditional course. There is historical precedent to consider. For centuries, Italians dominated the papacy. Of the 266 popes, 217 have <a href="https://worldpopulationreview.com/country-rankings/popes-by-country">been Italian</a>. However, this pattern has shifted in recent decades: Francis was from Argentina, John Paul II (1978–2005) from Poland, and Benedict XVI (2005–2013) from Germany. <h2>The top papabili</h2> As with any election, observers are speaking of their “favourites”. The term papabile, which in Italian means “pope-able”, or “capable of becoming pope”, is used to describe cardinals who are seen as serious contenders. Among the leading papabili is Cardinal <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pietro_Parolin">Pietro Parolin</a>, aged 70, the current Secretary of State of Vatican City. Parolin has long been one of Francis’ closest collaborators and has led efforts to open dialogue with difficult regimes, <a href="https://catholicweekly.com.au/vatican-diplomat-discusses-china/">including the Chinese Communist Party</a>. Parolin is seen as a centrist figure who could appeal to both reform-minded and more conservative cardinals. Yet some <a href="https://www.politico.eu/article/pope-francis-death-who-succeed-parolin-pizzaballa-tagle-turkson-besungu-burke-spengler-erdo/">observers argue</a> he lacks the charismatic and pastoral presence that helped define Francis’ papacy. Another name to watch is Cardinal <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pierbattista_Pizzaballa">Pierbattista Pizzaballa</a>, the Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem. At 60, he is younger than many of his colleagues, but brings extensive experience in interfaith dialogue in the Middle East. His fluency in Hebrew and his long service in the Holy Land could prove appealing. Then again, his relative youth may cause hesitation among those concerned about electing a pope who could serve for decades. As the papacy of John Paul II demonstrated, such long reigns can have a profound impact on the church. Cardinal <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Luis_Antonio_Tagle">Luis Antonio Tagle</a> of the Philippines is also frequently mentioned. Now 67, Tagle is known for his deep commitment to social justice and the poor. He has spoken out against human rights abuses in his home country and has often echoed Francis’ pastoral tone. But some cardinals may worry that his outspoken political views could complicate the church’s diplomatic efforts. Cardinal <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Peter_Turkson">Peter Turkson</a> of Ghana, now 76, was a prominent figure during the last conclave. A strong voice on environmental and economic justice, he has served under both Benedict XVI and Francis. Turkson has largely upheld the church’s traditional teachings on matters such as male-only priesthood, marriage between a man and a woman, and sexuality. He is also a strong advocate for transparency, and has spoken out against corruption and in defence of human rights. Though less widely known among the public, Cardinal <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mykola_Bychok">Mykola Bychok</a> of Melbourne may also be considered. His election would be as surprising (and perhaps as symbolically powerful) as that of John Paul II in 1978. A Ukrainian-Australian pope, chosen during the ongoing war in Ukraine, would send a strong message about the church’s concern for suffering peoples and global peace. Other names that may come up are Cardinal <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fridolin_Ambongo_Besungu">Fridolin Ambongo Besungu</a> from the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and Cardinal <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jaime_Spengler">Jaime Spengler</a> of Brazil – both of whom lead large and growing Catholic communities. Although news reports don’t always list them among the top contenders, their influence within their regions – and the need to recognise the church’s global demographic shifts – means their voices will matter. On the more conservative side is American Cardinal <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Raymond_Leo_Burke">Raymond Burke</a>, who had been one of Francis’ most vocal critics. But his confrontational stance makes him an unlikely candidate. More plausible would be Cardinal <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/P%C3%A9ter_Erd%C5%91">Péter Erdő</a> of Hungary, aged 71. Erdő is a respected canon lawyer with a more traditional theological orientation. He was mentioned in 2013 and may reemerge as a promising candidate among conservative cardinals. <figure class="align-right zoomable"><a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/663322/original/file-20250423-56-vunzyq.jpg?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/663322/original/file-20250423-56-vunzyq.jpg?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/663322/original/file-20250423-56-vunzyq.jpg?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=792&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/663322/original/file-20250423-56-vunzyq.jpg?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=792&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/663322/original/file-20250423-56-vunzyq.jpg?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=792&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/663322/original/file-20250423-56-vunzyq.jpg?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=996&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/663322/original/file-20250423-56-vunzyq.jpg?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=996&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/663322/original/file-20250423-56-vunzyq.jpg?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=996&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" alt="" /></a><figcaption>Cardinal Péter Erdő was ordained as a priest in 1975 and has a doctorate in theology. He will be a top pick among conservatives. Wikimedia, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/">CC BY-SA</a></figcaption></figure> <h2>One tough act to follow</h2> Although Francis appointed many of the cardinals who will vote in the conclave, that doesn’t mean all of them supported his agenda. Many come from communities with traditional values, and may be drawn to a candidate who emphasises older church teachings. The conclave will also reflect broader questions of geography. The church’s growth has shifted away from Europe, to Asia, Africa and Latin America. A pope from one of these regions could symbolise this change, and speak more directly to the challenges faced by Catholic communities in the Global South. Ultimately, predicting a conclave is impossible. Dynamics often change once the cardinals enter the Sistine Chapel and begin voting. Alliances shift, new names emerge, and consensus may form around someone who was barely discussed beforehand. What is certain is that the next pope will shape the church’s future: doctrinally, diplomatically and pastorally. Whether he chooses to build on Francis’ legacy of reform, or move in a new direction, he will need to balance ancient traditions with the urgent realities of the modern world.<img style="border: none !important; box-shadow: none !important; margin: 0 !important; max-height: 1px !important; max-width: 1px !important; min-height: 1px !important; min-width: 1px !important; opacity: 0 !important; outline: none !important; padding: 0 !important;" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/255006/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" /> <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/darius-von-guttner-sporzynski-112147">Darius von Guttner Sporzynski</a>, Historian, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/australian-catholic-university-747">Australian Catholic University</a> This article is republished from <a href="https://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/who-will-the-next-pope-be-here-are-some-top-contenders-255006">original article</a>. Image: Rawpixel.com </div>

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Labor’s in with a fighting chance, but must work around an unpopular leader

<div class="theconversation-article-body"> The Albanese government has a fighting chance of winning the 2025 election, but will need to achieve in five weeks of campaigning what it hasn’t in three years in office. That is, work out a narrative explaining what it’s about and that can persuade Australians to back it for a second term. Convincing voters that electing a Peter Dutton-led Coalition government would be risky is the other essential element for a Labor victory – a task made easier by the evident chaos arising from the Trump administration’s recent actions in the US. The main Coalition promises announced ahead of the election being called were to start a nuclear power industry, slash the public service and, without explaining how, cut immigration. These policies are sufficiently Trumpesque in tone to lend some credence to Labor insinuations that Dutton could be a mini-Trump if elected. Attacks on Dutton’s integrity and policy credibility have improved Labor’s position in the run-up to the election. With Prime Minister Anthony Albanese somewhat lifting his performance this year, and getting Dutton slightly off balance, the trend is perceived to be moving Labor’s way. Government insiders hope the 2025 election will mimic the 1998 election, where the incumbent government survived despite losing the two party-preferred vote 48.5% to the opposition’s 51.5%. This paradoxical outcome, which saw the Howard government survive, was because the swing to the Beazley Labor opposition was concentrated in seats the opposition already held, rather than those it needed to win office. There’s little room for complacency, though. A handkerchief-sized set of policies such as Dutton’s did not stop opposition leader John Howard winning the 1996 election. Nor did a campaign built entirely on a three-pronged slogan stop opposition leader Tony Abbott winning the 2013 election. Labor will need to do deliberately what it did on the fly last time, when opposition leader Albanese got COVID during the 2022 campaign. That is, showcase attractive and articulate Labor frontbenchers to glow up, by association, an unloved leader. Both Albanese and Dutton have negative net approval ratings and are a drag on each of their party’s vote. In the <a href="https://theconversation.com/anthony-albanese-gains-in-newspoll-but-the-race-remains-neck-and-neck-251352">latest Newspoll</a> before the election was called, Albanese was on –12% and Dutton on –14%. An aggregate analysis of Newspoll by state and gender, covering the three months in the run up to the election, underlines the problem. Both leaders had double digit net negative approval ratings in every state except Queensland, where Dutton has a positive net rating of 9%. Both leaders have negative net approval ratings by gender, though Albanese’s (men –16%, women –18%) is worse than Dutton’s (men –8%, women –15%). Albanese has been famously indifferent to advice in the government’s first term. He long resisted the urgings of some cabinet colleagues to <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2024-02-27/stage-three-tax-cut-changes-pass-senate/103519338">restructure the stage 3 tax cuts</a> legislated by the Morrison government, for example, until the need for a mid-term political circuit-breaker made him budge. However, the risk of not getting a second term will make the prime minister more open to the advice of senior colleagues, ALP national secretary Paul Erickson, and party elders during the campaign. Albanese’s solution to all problems, as one Labor figure puts it, is to “apply more Albo”. Since voters rate Labor more highly than its leader, however, “more Albo” during the campaign is not the answer. Effective communicators such as Treasurer Jim Chalmers, Environment Minister Tanya Plibersek, Finance Minister Katy Gallagher, Education Minister Jason Clare, Housing Minister Clare O'Neil, Home Affairs Minister Tony Burke and Employment Minister Murray Watt must be showcased. Their job is to embody an implicit promise that inside the Albanese government there’s a better one waiting to break out, and through that to stir voters’ hopes. So if the Albanese government can finally work out its story and get the message out via frontbenchers to whom voters are willing to listen, it could get across concrete promises that make them want to give it another go. What those concrete policy promises are will, of course, be crucially important. Labor has a tremendous challenge ahead. When up against one of the worst governments since Federation – that led by prime minister Scott Morrison – Albanese Labor won with a majority of just two seats in 2022. <figure><iframe src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/BenaVvL8BbE?wmode=transparent&start=0" width="440" height="260" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe></figure> Voters have accorded new governments a second term at every federal poll since Federation, with the exception of the Depression-era 1931 election. But in 2025, this is far from assured. The unusual situation is partly a product of what systems thinkers describe as an “eroding goals” problem. After the loss of the Voice referendum campaign, the government’s leadership quickly conditioned Labor MPs to settle for the likelihood of minority government after the 2025 election. Now that election is here, and there are real fears even this lower hurdle might not be achieved. Having a leader who can do both the substance and theatre of politics is crucial to winning elections. If people don’t want to listen to you, the best government policies and performance can’t be communicated, recognised and rewarded. Having the right people in key portfolios is another. The prime minister prioritised the containment of potential leadership rivals over party and the national interest in some portfolio allocation decisions. This hurt the government’s performance and disappointed voters. Australians have signalled in repeated polls that they believe neither the current Labor prime minister nor the current Coalition alternative prime minister are up to the job. It is striking that the major parties, which claim to listen to voters, disrespect those voters by offering them deeply unpopular choices for prime minister. The spraying of votes to minor parties and independent candidates evident at the 2022 election could well accelerate as a consequence. People and parties often seem to be determined to learn the hard way. Now the election is here, Labor needs to tack around its shortcomings in this term of office and convincingly project there’s better ahead to win.<img style="border: none !important; box-shadow: none !important; margin: 0 !important; max-height: 1px !important; max-width: 1px !important; min-height: 1px !important; min-width: 1px !important; opacity: 0 !important; outline: none !important; padding: 0 !important;" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/248663/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" /> By <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/chris-wallace-314481">Chris Wallace</a>, Professor, School of Politics Economics & Society, Faculty of Business Government & Law, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-canberra-865">University of Canberra</a> This article is republished from <a href="https://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/labors-in-with-a-fighting-chance-but-must-work-around-an-unpopular-leader-248663">original article</a>. Image: Instagram </div>

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Albanese calls May 3 election, with cost of living the central battleground

<div class="theconversation-article-body">Australians will go to the polls on May 3 for an election squarely centred on the cost of living. Prime Minister Anthony Albanese visited Governor-General Sam Mostyn at Yarralumla first thing on Friday morning. Later he told an 8am news conference at parliament house the election choice was “between Labor’s plan to keep building or Peter Dutton’s plan to cut. "Only Labor has the plan to make you better off over the next three years,” he said. “Now is not the time for cutting and wrecking, punching down.” Less than a week after the federal budget and following an earlier delay caused by Cyclone Alfred, the formal campaign starts with government and opposition neck and neck and minority government considered a real possibility. But in recent days, the government has gained more momentum and Labor enters the campaign more confident than at the start of the year. The aggregated January-March quarterly Newspoll had the Coalition leading Labor 51-49%, but Albanese leading Peter Dutton as preferred PM 45% to 40%. A YouGov poll published March 21 had Labor and Coalition on 50-50. Polling only shows a snapshot of the present, and the campaign itself could be crucial to the election result. This is the fourth consecutive election launched off the back of a budget, with both sides this week bidding for voters’ support with big handouts. Labor pushed through legislation for its $17 billion tax cut, the first stage of which comes in mid next year. Opposition leader Peter Dutton in his budget reply promised a 12-month halving of excise on petrol and diesel and a gas reservation scheme. Labor goes <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/elections/federal/2025/guide/pendulum">into the election</a> with 78 seats in the lower house, and the Coalition with 57 (counting the seats of two recent Liberal defectors). The large crossbench includes four Greens and half a dozen “teals”. With a majority being 76 seats in the new 150-seat parliament, the Coalition needs to win 19 seats for an outright majority. This would require a uniform swing of 5.3% (although swings are not uniform). A swing of less than 1% could take Labor into minority. The Coalition would need a swing of about 3.6% to end with more seats than the government. While all states are important if the result is close, Victoria and NSW are regarded as the crucial battlegrounds. If the Coalition won, it would be the first time that a first-term government had been defeated since 1931, during the great depression. Since the end of the second world war, while all first term governments have been reelected, each saw a two-party swing against them. One challenge for Albanese is that he has only a tiny majority, providing little buffer against a swing. The combined vote of the major parties will be something to watch, with the vote steadily declining from 85.47% of the vote just 19 years ago at the 2007 election, to only 68.28% at the 2022 election. Labor won the last election with a two-party vote of 52.13% to the Coalition’s 47.87%. As of December 31 2024, 17,939,818 Australians were enrolled to vote. The start of the formal campaign follows a long “faux” campaign in which both leaders have been travelling the length and breadth of the country non-stop, with the government making a series of major spending announcement but the opposition holding back on policy.<img style="border: none !important; box-shadow: none !important; margin: 0 !important; max-height: 1px !important; max-width: 1px !important; min-height: 1px !important; min-width: 1px !important; opacity: 0 !important; outline: none !important; padding: 0 !important;" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/250774/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" /> <h2>Marginal seats based on the redistribution</h2> <img src="https://oversixtydev.blob.core.windows.net/media/2025/03/Antony-Greens-ABC-Electoral-Pendulum.jpg" alt="" width="1280" height="1535" /> * Seat with a sitting ALP member ** Seat with a sitting Liberal member *** Warringah MP Zali Steggall was elected before the 2022 ‘teals’, but is regarded as one of them. <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/dat/news/elections/federal/2025/guide/FED2025_PostRedistPendulum.pdf" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Antony Green's ABC Electoral Pendulum</a> By <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/michelle-grattan-20316">Michelle Grattan</a>, Professorial Fellow, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-canberra-865">University of Canberra</a> This article is republished from <a href="https://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/albanese-calls-may-3-election-with-cost-of-living-the-central-battleground-250774">original article</a>. Images: <em style="background-color: #ffffff; color: #212529; font-family: -apple-system, 'system-ui', 'Segoe UI', Roboto, 'Helvetica Neue', Arial, sans-serif, 'Apple Color Emoji', 'Segoe UI Emoji', 'Segoe UI Symbol', 'Noto Color Emoji'; font-size: 16px; box-sizing: border-box;">Image credits: LUKAS COCH/EPA-EFE/Shutterstock Editorial <div class="footer-container" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #212529; font-family: -apple-system, 'system-ui', 'Segoe UI', Roboto, 'Helvetica Neue', Arial, sans-serif, 'Apple Color Emoji', 'Segoe UI Emoji', 'Segoe UI Symbol', 'Noto Color Emoji'; font-size: 16px; background-color: #ffffff;"> </div> </div>

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"It's time": ABC legend announces retirement

ABC’s chief election analyst Antony Green has announced his plans to step down from the public broadcaster after 30 years in his distinguished role. Green announced that he would be retiring after the next federal election, which is rumoured to take place between March and May 2025. “By the time of the next election, I’ll be 68 and I know I’m not as sharp and quick as I was five years ago,” Green said, according to the ABC. “It gets harder and harder. It’s like a footballer, sometimes they play on a season too long, and I’m making sure I don’t do that.” Green, who has covered more than 90 Australian elections, said it was “time to retire” but he would “stay on” for a couple years “handing over work and doing other things”. “Essentially I’m deciding to retire and work less,” Green said. “I got this job as an election worker 36 years ago and I decided I enjoyed doing it – I’ve done a lot of development since. It’s been a long, fun journey.” Green’s final on-air appearances will be the West Australian state election on March 8th and the federal election, which is yet to be announced. Casey Briggs will step in as ABC’s chief election and data analyst after Green's departure, as she announced he would be missed. “For more than three decades Antony Green has set the bar for election analysis. He is sharp, fast and, even under the immense pressure of the night, manages to keep his sense of humour,” Briggs said. “For me, it has been such a privilege to have had a front-row seat to watch and learn from the master at work." “We will all miss him from our screens, but I’m thankful that at least we get a couple more chances to celebrate his monumental contribution to Australia and its democracy.” ABC journalist Annabel Crabb said covering four federal elections with him had been “one of the great pleasures of (her) professional life”. “What a gift it is to our democracy and to our national broadcaster that in 1989 this wee maths nerd saw the ad in the paper for a research position at the ABC and the late Ian Carroll recognised in him the sprouts of the Tree Of Wisdom he’d become!” Crabb wrote in a social media post. “A legendary figure. A migrant success story. A generous colleague.” Image credits: ABC

Retirement Life

Italian village offers $1 homes to Americans upset by US election results

An Italian village in Sardinia, Italy is offering one-euro homes to Americans seeking a new start following the results of the 2024 U.S election that saw Donald Trump being re-elected as president. Ollolai has long been trying to persuade outsiders to move in to revive the community after decades of depopulation. Now, it's selling dilapidated houses for as little as one euro — just over a US dollar or $AU1.60 — to entice Americans to move abroad. Following the November 5 outcome, they have launched a website aimed at potential American expats, offering cheap homes in hopes that those disappointed by the result and seeking a fresh start will snap up one of their empty properties. "Are you worned (sic) out by global politics? Looking to embrace a more balanced lifestyle while securing new opportunities?" the website read. "It's time to start building your European escape in the stunning paradise of Sardinia." Mayor Francesco Columbu told CNN that the website was specifically created to attract American voters in the wake of the presidential elections. The mayor loves the United States and is convinced Americans would be the best people to revive the community. "We just really want, and will focus on, Americans above all," he said. "We can't of course ban people from other countries to apply, but Americans will have a fast-track procedure. We are betting on them to help us revive the village, they are our winning card." The village is offering three tiers of accommodation: Free temporary homes to certain digital nomads, ($1.6) homes in need of renovations, and ready-to-occupy houses for prices up to $160,000. The mayor also set up a special team to guide interested buyers through every step of the process including finding contractors, builders and navigating required paperwork. "Of course, we can't specifically mention the name of one US president who just got elected, but we all know that he's the one from whom many Americans want to get away from now and leave the country," Columbo added. "We have specifically created this website now to meet US post-elections relocation needs. The first edition of our digital nomad scheme which launched last year was already solely for Americans." Photos and plans of available empty properties will soon be uploaded to the website. The website has since received nearly 38,000 requests for information on houses, with most of them coming from the United States In the past century, Ollolai's population has shrunk from 2,250 to 1,300 with only a handful of babies born each year. Over the last few years, this has dropped 1,150 residents. Image: Shutterstock

International Travel

How should Australian media cover the next federal election? Lessons from the US presidential race

<div class="theconversation-article-body"><a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/denis-muller-1865">Denis Muller</a>, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/the-university-of-melbourne-722">The University of Melbourne</a> Media coverage in Australia of the US presidential election and of the Voice referendum in October 2023 offer some pointers to what we might expect during next year’s federal election campaign. They also suggest some ways in which the professional mass media might better respond to the challenges thrown up by the combination of disinformation, harmful speech and hyper-partisanship that disfigured those two campaigns. The ideological contours of the Australian professional media, in particular its newspapers, have become delineated with increasing clarity over the past 15 years. In part this is a response to the polarising effects of social media, and in part it is a reflection of the increased stridency of political debate. The right is dominated by News Corporation, with commercial radio shock jocks playing a supporting role. The left is more diffuse and less given to propagandising. It includes the old Fairfax papers, The Age and The Sydney Morning Herald, now owned by the Nine Entertainment Company, and Guardian Australia. These contours are unlikely to change much, if at all, between now and the 2025 election. <h2>Impartiality versus ‘bothsidesism’</h2> Under these conditions, how might Australian journalism practice be adapted to better serve democracy under the pressures of an election campaign? The objective would be to contribute to the creation of a political culture in which people can argue constructively, disagree respectfully and work towards consensus. In pursuing that objective, a central issue is whether and how the media are committed to the principle of impartiality in news reports. This principle is under sustained pressure, as was seen in both the presidential election and the Voice referendum. We know from the words of its own editorial code of conduct that News Corp Australia does not accept the principle of impartiality in news reports. Paragraph 1.3 of that code states: <blockquote> Publications should ensure factual material in news reports is distinguishable from other material such as commentary and opinion. Comment, conjecture and opinion are acceptable as part of coverage to provide perspective on an issue, or explain the significance of an issue, or to allow readers to recognise what the publication’s or author’s standpoint is on a matter. </blockquote> This policy authorises journalists to write their news reports in ways that promote the newspaper’s or the journalist’s own views. This runs directly counter to the conventional separation of news from opinion accepted by most major media companies. This is exemplified by <a href="https://uploads.guim.co.uk/2023/07/27/GNM_editorial_code_of_practice_and_guidance_2023.pdf">the policy</a> of The Guardian, including Guardian Australia: <blockquote> While free to editorialise and campaign, a publication must distinguish clearly between comment, conjecture and fact. </blockquote> Appended to The Guardian’s code is the essay written in 1921 by C. P. Scott, first the editor and then the owner-editor of the Manchester Guardian, to mark the newspaper’s centenary. It includes these words: “Comment is free, but facts are sacred”. Referring to a newspaper’s public duty, he added: “Propaganda […] is hateful.” In the present overheated atmosphere of public debate, impartiality has come to be confused with a discredited type of journalism known as “bothsidesism”. “Bothsidesism” presents “both sides” of an issue without any regard for their relative evidentiary merits. It allows for the ventilation of lies, hate speech and conspiracy theories on the spurious ground that these represent another, equally valid, side of the story. Impartiality is emphatically not “bothsidesism”. What particularly distinguishes impartiality is that it follows the weight of evidence. However, a recurring problem in the current environment is that the fair and sober presentation of evidence can be obliterated by the force of political rhetoric. As a result, impartiality can fall victim to its own detached passivity. Yet impartiality does not have to be passive: it can be proactive. During the presidential campaign, in the face of Trump’s egregious lying, some media organisations took this proactive approach. When Trump claimed during his televised debate with Kamala Harris that Haitian immigrants were eating people’s pets in the town of Springfield, Ohio, the host broadcaster, the American Broadcasting Company, fact-checked him in real time. It found, during the broadcast, that there was no evidence to support his claim. <figure><iframe src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/nlCe8iOCJlQ?wmode=transparent&start=0" width="440" height="260" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe></figure> And for four years before that, The Washington Post <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2021/01/24/trumps-false-or-misleading-claims-total-30573-over-four-years/">chronicled</a> Trump’s lies while in office, arriving at a total of 30,573. <h2>Challenging misinformation</h2> During the Voice referendum, many lies were told about what the Voice to Parliament would be empowered to do: advise on the date of Anzac Day, change the flag, set interest rates, and introduce a race-based element into the Constitution, advantaging Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people over others. These were rebutted by the relevant authorities but by then the lies had been swept up in the daily tide of mis- or disinformation that was a feature of the campaign. At that point, rebuttals merely oxygenate the original falsehoods. More damaging still to the democratic process was the baseless allegation by Opposition Leader Peter Dutton that the Australian Electoral Commission had “rigged” the vote by accepting a tick as indicating “yes” but not accepting a cross as indicating “no”. <figure><iframe src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/Y_4H1IQID_M?wmode=transparent&start=0" width="440" height="260" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe></figure> Opposition Senate leader, Simon Birmingham, also said allowing ticks but not crosses undermined the integrity of the process. The electoral commissioner, Tom Rogers, was reported as repudiating these claims, but by then these lies had acquired currency and momentum. A proactive approach to impartiality requires establishing the truthful position before or at the time of initial publication, then calling out falsehoods for what they are and providing supporting evidence. Neither the principle of impartiality nor any other ethical principle in journalism requires journalists to publish lies as if they might be true. It would not have been a failure of impartiality to say in a news report that Dutton’s claims about a rigged referendum were baseless, with the supporting evidence. That evidence, set out in an <a href="https://antonygreen.com.au/how-many-voters-mark-referendum-ballot-papers-with-a-cross-not-many-based-on-evidence/">excellent example</a> of proactive impartiality by the ABC’s election analyst Antony Green at the time, was that the ticks and crosses rule had been in place since 1988. <h2>‘Proactive impartiality’ is the key to reporting the 2025 election</h2> The question is, do Australia’s main media organisations as a whole have the resources and the will to invest in real-time fact-checking? The record is not encouraging. In March 2024, the ABC dissolved its fact-checking arrangement with RMIT University, replacing it with an in-house fact-checking unit called ABC News Verify. In 2023, a team led by Andrea Carson of La Trobe University published a <a href="https://ijoc.org/index.php/ijoc/article/view/21078">study</a> tracking the fate of fact-checking operations in Australia. Its findings were summarised by her in The Conversation. In the absence of a fact-checking capability, it is hard to see how journalists can perform the kind of proactive impartiality that current circumstances demand. On top of that, the shift from advertising-based mass media to subscription-based niche media is creating its own logic, which is antithetical to impartiality. Mass-directed advertising was generally aimed at as broad an audience as possible. It encouraged impartiality in the accompanying editorial content as part of an appeal to the broad middle of society. Since a lot of this advertising has gone online, the media have begun to rely increasingly on subscriptions. In a hyper-partisan world, ideological branding, or alternatively freedom from ideological branding, has become part of the sales pitch. Where subscribers do expect to find ideological comfort, readership and ratings are at put risk when their expectations are disappointed. Rupert Murdoch <a href="https://apnews.com/article/fox-news-dominion-lawsuit-trial-trump-2020-0ac71f75acfacc52ea80b3e747fb0afe">learned this</a> when his Fox News channel in the US called the 2020 election for Joe Biden, driving down ratings and causing him to reverse that position in order to claw back the losses. These are unpalatable developments for those who believe that fair, accurate news reporting untainted by the ideological preferences of proprietors or journalists is a vital ingredient in making a healthy democracy work. But that is the world we live in as we approach the federal election of 2025.<img style="border: none !important; box-shadow: none !important; margin: 0 !important; max-height: 1px !important; max-width: 1px !important; min-height: 1px !important; min-width: 1px !important; opacity: 0 !important; outline: none !important; padding: 0 !important;" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/243267/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" /> <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/denis-muller-1865">Denis Muller</a>, Senior Research Fellow, Centre for Advancing Journalism, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/the-university-of-melbourne-722">The University of Melbourne</a> Image credits: DEAN LEWINS/EPA-EFE/Shutterstock Editorial - LUKAS COCH/EPA-EFE/Shutterstock Editorial This article is republished from <a href="https://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/how-should-australian-media-cover-the-next-federal-election-lessons-from-the-us-presidential-race-243267">original article</a>. </div>

Legal

World reacts as Donald Trump wins US election

World leaders, celebrities and millions of Americans have shared their first reactions and messages of support - or messages of anger, upset and frustration - as Donald Trump claimed his victory in the US election. The Republican leader won both the electoral college vote and the popular vote, taking a hold of the majority of key swing states, as his victory just hours after the polls closed. The win will see Trump re-enter the White House in January as the 47th President, making him the only president to serve two non-consecutive terms in office. Reactions to the unprecedented win flooded online spaces, with world leaders sending their congratulations. Prime Minister Anthony Albanese said the election of the US president marked an important moment for Australia and the Asia Pacific region, and vowed to work closely with the Trump administration. “Australia and America are old allies and we are true friends,” he said. “Our nations are bound by a history of shared sacrifice, a commitment to common values and — above all — enduring respect and affection between our peoples." “I look forward to talking with President Trump and working with him in the best interests of both our nations.” Opposition Leader Peter Dutton also extended his congratulations to the Republican leader on behalf of the federal Coalition, describing the US as an “overwhelming force for good”. Unsurprisingly, Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was among the first to speak to Trump, writing on X, “Congratulations on history’s greatest comeback!” “Your historic return to the White House offers a new beginning for America and a powerful recommitment to the great alliance between Israel and America. This is a huge victory! In true friendship.” Elon Musk, petulant billionaire and owner of Twitter, also shared a series of memes on X, after he publicly endorsed Trump throughout his campaign. Among the posts is an image of Musk holding a bathroom sink photoshopped into the Oval Office with the caption "Let that sink in", a reference to how he marked his controversial takeover of X when it was still known as Twitter. Musk also shared a photo of a conversation he was having with Trump as votes were being counted. "The future is gonna be so [fire]," Musk said with American flag emojis. "The future is gonna be fantastic," he said in a follow up post with a photo of his recent SpaceX rocket test that Trump discussed at length, for some reason, in his declaration speech. Despite the messages of well wishes from world leaders, social media has been awash with messages of disbelief and anger since the victory was announced, with many American citizens anxious and scared about the next four years under Trump's controversial <a href="https://www.project2025.org" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Project 2025</a>, which will see mass deportations of immigrants, more tax cuts to the rich, harsher penalties for those seeking abortions or reproductive care, and unprecedented power in the hands of a President with authoritarian aspirations. Image credits: Brian Prahl/Shutterstock

News

Trump's insult to Biden after he drops out of presidential race

Joe Biden has officially withdrawn from the presidential race against former president Donald Trump. Biden, who is the oldest US president at 81, has been facing mounting calls to drop out of the election from both his opponents and supporters, amid fears of his failing health, mental clarity and age. On Sunday, the 46th president shared a lengthy statement to share that he would be dropping out of the race, saying it is "in the best interest" for both his Democratic Party and the country to take a step back. “While it has been my intention to seek re-election, I believe it is in the best interest of my party and the country for me to stand down and to focus solely on fulfilling my duties as President for the remainder of my term,” Mr Biden wrote in a letter he posted on his X account. “I will speak to the Nation later this week in more detail about my decision. It has been the greatest honour of my life to serve as your President.” Biden shared a second announcement to social media following his bombshell withdrawal, saying he would be endorsing his Vice President Kamala Harris as the Democratic nominee to run for President in the November election against Trump. "My very first decision as the party nominee in 2020 was to pick Kamala Harris as my Vice President, and it’s been the best decision I’ve made," he began. "Today I want to offer my full support and endorsement for Kamala to be the nominee of our party this year. Democrats — it’s time to come together and beat Trump. Let’s do this." Mere hours after Biden's announcement, former President Donald Trump reacted to the news on TRUTH social, his own social media platform, exactly as many expected. “Crooked Joe Biden was not fit to run for President, and is certainly not fit to serve — And never was!” Trump said. “All those around him, including his doctor and the media, knew that he wasn’t capable of being President, and he wasn’t. We will suffer greatly because of his presidency, but we will remedy the damage he has done very quickly.” In a phone call with CNN minutes after Biden announced his exit from the 2024 race, former Trump described Biden as going “down as the single worst president by far in the history of our country”. Mr Biden will remain President until the end of his term next January. Image credits: Bonnie Cash / Pool via CNP/ Ron Sachs/CNP /Shutterstock Editorial

News

‘Sleep tourism’ promises the trip of your dreams. Beyond the hype plus 5 tips for a holiday at home

<div class="theconversation-article-body"> <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/charlotte-gupta-347235">Charlotte Gupta</a>, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/cquniversity-australia-2140">CQUniversity Australia</a> and <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/dean-j-miller-808724">Dean J. Miller</a>, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/cquniversity-australia-2140">CQUniversity Australia</a> Imagine arriving at your hotel after a long flight and being greeted by your own personal sleep butler. They present you with a pillow menu and invite you to a sleep meditation session later that day. You unpack in a room kitted with an AI-powered smart bed, blackout shades, blue light-blocking glasses and weighted blankets. Holidays are traditionally for activities or sightseeing – eating Parisian pastry under the Eiffel tower, ice skating at New York City’s Rockefeller Centre, lying by the pool in Bali or sipping limoncello in Sicily. But “<a href="https://www.smh.com.au/traveller/inspiration/pillow-menus-and-sleep-gummies-the-new-hotel-trend-that-s-putting-guests-to-sleep-20230823-p5dyu5.html">sleep tourism</a>” offers vacations for the sole purpose of getting good sleep. The emerging trend extends out of the global wellness tourism industry – reportedly worth more than <a href="https://www.forbes.com/sites/rogersands/2023/11/17/the-global-wellness-tourism-sector-surpasses-814-billion-market-share/">US$800 billion globally</a> (A$1.2 trillion) and <a href="https://www.statista.com/statistics/1018497/global-market-size-of-the-wellness-tourism-industry/">expected to boom</a>. Luxurious sleep retreats and sleep suites at hotels are popping up <a href="https://www.countryandtownhouse.com/style/health-and-beauty/sleep-retreats/">all over the world</a> for tourists to get some much-needed rest, relaxation and recovery. But do you really need to leave home for some shuteye? <h2>Not getting enough</h2> The rise of sleep tourism may be a sign of just how chronically sleep deprived we all are. In Australia more than one-third of adults are not achieving the recommended <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2352721816301292?via%3Dihub">7–9 hours</a> of sleep per night, and the estimated cost of this inadequate sleep is <a href="https://academic.oup.com/sleep/article/41/8/zsy083/5025924">A$45 billion</a> each year. Inadequate sleep is linked to <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.2147/NSS.S134864">long-term health problems</a> including poor mental health, heart disease, metabolic disease and deaths from any cause. <h2>Can a fancy hotel give you a better sleep?</h2> Many of the sleep services available in the sleep tourism industry aim to optimise the bedroom for sleep. This is a core component of <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4400203/?ref=askdoctorjad.com">sleep hygiene</a> – a series of healthy sleep practices that facilitate good sleep including sleeping in a comfortable bedroom with a good mattress and pillow, sleeping in a quiet environment and relaxing before bed. The more people follow sleep hygiene practices, the better their <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/08964280209596396">sleep quality and quantity</a>. When we are staying in a hotel we are also likely away from any stressors we encounter in everyday life (such as work pressure or caring responsibilities). And we’re away from potential nighttime disruptions to sleep we might experience at home (the construction work next door, restless pets, unsettled children). So regardless of the sleep features hotels offer, it is likely we will experience improved sleep when we are away. <h2>What the science says about catching up on sleep</h2> In the short-term, <a href="https://theconversation.com/is-it-possible-to-catch-up-on-sleep-we-asked-five-experts-98699#:%7E:text=We%20can%20catch%20up%20on,and%20we%20cannot%20resist%20sleep.">we can catch up on sleep</a>. This can happen, for example, after a short night of sleep when our brain accumulates “<a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.3109/07420528.2012.675256">sleep pressure</a>”. This term describes how strong the biological drive for sleep is. More sleep pressure makes it easier to sleep the next night and to sleep for longer. But while a longer sleep the next night can relieve the sleep pressure, it does not reverse the <a href="https://jcsm.aasm.org/doi/pdf/10.5664/jcsm.26918">effects of the short sleep on our brain and body</a>. Every night’s sleep is important for our body to recover and for our brain to process the events of that day. Spending a holiday “catching up” on sleep could help you feel more rested, but it is not a substitute for prioritising regular healthy sleep at home. All good things, including holidays, must come to an end. Unfortunately the perks of sleep tourism may end too. Our bodies do not like variability in the time of day that we sleep. The most common example of this is called “<a href="https://www.mdpi.com/2072-6643/13/12/4543">social jet lag</a>”, where weekday sleep (getting up early to get to work or school) is vastly different to weekend sleep (late nights and sleep ins). This can result in a sleepy, grouchy start to the week on Monday. Sleep tourism may be similar, if you do not come back home with the intention to prioritise sleep. So we should be mindful that as well as sleeping well on holiday, it is important to optimise conditions at home to get consistent, adequate sleep every night. <h2>5 tips for having a sleep holiday at home</h2> An AI-powered mattress and a sleep butler at home might be the dream. But these features are not the only way we can optimise our sleep environment and give ourselves the best chance to get a good night’s sleep. Here are five ideas to start the night right: 1. avoid bright artificial light in the evening (such as bright overhead lights, phones, laptops) 2. make your bed as comfortable as possible with fresh pillows and a supportive mattress 3. use black-out window coverings and maintain a cool room temperature for the ideal sleeping environment 4. establish an evening wind-down routine, such as a warm shower and reading a book before bed or even a “<a href="https://theconversation.com/turns-out-the-viral-sleepy-girl-mocktail-is-backed-by-science-should-you-try-it-222151">sleepy girl mocktail</a>” 5. use consistency as the key to a good sleep routine. Aim for a similar bedtime and wake time – even on weekends.<img style="border: none !important; box-shadow: none !important; margin: 0 !important; max-height: 1px !important; max-width: 1px !important; min-height: 1px !important; min-width: 1px !important; opacity: 0 !important; outline: none !important; padding: 0 !important;" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/231718/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" /> <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/charlotte-gupta-347235">Charlotte Gupta</a>, Senior postdoctoral research fellow, Appleton Institute, HealthWise research group, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/cquniversity-australia-2140">CQUniversity Australia</a> and <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/dean-j-miller-808724">Dean J. Miller</a>, Adjunct Research Fellow, Appleton Institute of Behavioural Science, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/cquniversity-australia-2140">CQUniversity Australia</a> Image credits: Shutterstock This article is republished from <a href="https://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/sleep-tourism-promises-the-trip-of-your-dreams-beyond-the-hype-plus-5-tips-for-a-holiday-at-home-231718">original article</a>. </div>

Travel Trouble

The growing promise of cancer vaccines

<div class="copy"> A cure for cancer — which is <a href="https://ourworldindata.org/grapher/burden-of-disease-by-cause" target="_blank" rel="noopener">second only to cardiovascular diseases</a> in its contribution to the global burden of disease — has long been a dream. While no magic bullet is yet in sight, three vaccines for particular skin and lung cancer types have advanced to the last stage of clinical trials in recent months. If successful, these vaccines should be available to patients in the next three to 11 years. Unlike vaccines which prevent diseases, these aim to cure them or prevent relapses. Cancer in every person is different because the cells in every cancerous tumour have different sets of genetic mutations. Recognising this, two of the vaccines are personalised and tailor-made for each patient. Oncologists working with pharmaceutical companies have developed these individualised neoantigen therapies. A vaccine typically works by training the immune cells of our body to recognise antigens – proteins from pathogens, such as viruses – against future attacks by the pathogen. In cancer, however, there is no external pathogen. The cells of a cancerous tumour undergo continuous mutations, some of which help them to grow much faster than normal cells while some others help them evade the body’s natural immune system. The mutated proteins in cancerous cells are called ‘neoantigens’. In individualised neoantigen therapy, the gene sequence of the tumour and normal blood cells are compared to identify neoantigens from each patient, and then a subset of neoantigens are chosen that are most likely to induce an immune response. The vaccine for an individual patient targets this chosen subset of neoantigens. These vaccines, jointly developed by pharma giants Moderna and Merck, have been shown in trials conducted so far to be significantly more effective in combination with immunotherapy than immunotherapy alone in preventing both the relapse of melanoma — a type of skin cancer — and non-small cell lung cancer after the tumours had been surgically removed. Following these promising results in phase II clinical trials, the vaccines are now being tested on a larger group of patients in phase III trials. The studies are expected to be complete by 2030 for <a href="https://clinicaltrials.gov/study/NCT05933577" target="_blank" rel="noopener">melanoma</a> and 2035 for <a href="https://www.clinicaltrials.gov/study/NCT06077760?intr=mRNA-4157&rank=3" target="_blank" rel="noopener">lung cancer</a>. The Moderna-Merck cancer vaccine may not be the first to reach the market. The French company OSE Immunotherapeutics <a href="https://www.clinicaltrialsarena.com/news/ose-shares-pipeline-updates-with-plans-phase-iii-trial-for-tedopi/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">published positive results</a> last September from phase III clinical trials of a vaccine using a different approach for advanced non-small cell lung cancer. Its vaccine, Tedopi, is scheduled to start <a href="https://finance.yahoo.com/news/ose-immunotherapeutics-receives-8-4-160000694.html?guccounter=1&guce_referrer=aHR0cHM6Ly93d3cuZ29vZ2xlLmNvbS8&guce_referrer_sig=AQAAADAX7Kqu7RTAEowvwOw2f-2cJ7SJ4uLpvjH-3tXzGtifqidaZfPs4eHLz23UqqjHDPjbVE1Vwel5qIKzKbmWvPLfLQzzH_PvKJAMsqTHuz8p5nPoR39RbIToLShEUG53eOeDFg6pWlRc2JPqrX7sGnc3ByO9FFfqXQYpZ4FZ-jgr" target="_blank" rel="noopener">confirmatory trials</a> – which are the last step before regulatory approval – later this year and may be available by 2027. Vaccines for pancreatic cancer being developed by BioNTech and Genentech, and for colon cancer by Gritstone, are also showing promising results in the early phases of clinical trials. Like the vaccines being developed by Moderna and Merck, these too are individualised neoantigen therapies based on messenger RNA (mRNA). There is another kind of RNA therapy also under development that uses small interfering RNA (siRNA) and microRNA (miRNA). Since 2018, six siRNA-based therapies have been approved by the US Food and Drug Administration for the treatment of neural, skin, heart and renal diseases. Several more siRNA drugs are at various clinical trial stages for different types of cancer and a diverse range of other diseases. Within cells, there are two kinds of nucleic acid molecules that contain coded information vital to life: DNA and RNA. While DNA contains genetic information, mRNA — one among the different types of RNA — carries the codes for the proteins. In addition, there are also non-coding RNA, some of which are functionally important. siRNA and miRNA are examples of such non-coding RNA. The RNA vaccine for an individualised neoantigen therapy is a cocktail of mRNA carrying the codes for neoantigens — the mutated fingerprint proteins in cancerous cells. For the <a href="https://www.nature.com/articles/d41591-023-00072-0" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Moderna-Merck study</a>, scientists identified 34 neoantigens per patient. They delivered the corresponding mRNA vaccine cocktail packed in lipid nanoparticles, just like the mRNA vaccines for COVID-19 developed by Moderna and Pfizer-BioNTech. When the vaccine is delivered after removing the tumour, it trains the immune system to recognise neoantigens and fight back against the cancer returning. Usually, the body’s natural immune system corrects mutations and prevents us from having cancers. However, in some cases this natural immune response is insufficient, leading to tumour growth. In individualised neoantigen therapy, these mutations in the tumour cells are used for vaccine development and for training the immune system to fight back against relapse after removal of the tumour. Recent advances in artificial intelligence are helping identify potential neoantigens and manage personalised therapies. Firstly, gene sequencing of tumours and normal blood cells of a patient and their comparison produces a huge amount of data. AI is used to find the genetic mutations of the patient’s cancer in such ‘big data’. Moreover, individualised therapy requires timely production and delivery of vaccines that are different for each patient. AI is also useful in the management of such data. The individualised nature of the treatment is probably why it has been <a href="https://www.nature.com/articles/d41591-023-00072-0" target="_blank" rel="noopener">more effective in trials</a> than previous, unsuccessful RNA vaccine candidates. However, this personalisation is also likely to raise challenges for the timely and cost-effective delivery of treatment to populations around the world. The siRNA and miRNA treatments work in a way opposite to mRNA. While each mRNA in a vaccine carries the code for producing a protein from a pathogen (antigen) or tumour (neoantigen) to train our immune systems against future attacks by the pathogen or tumour, siRNA directly targets the mRNA of the antigen or neoantigen and terminates the production of the protein it codes. Thus, the effect of a siRNA is more direct and immediate (like a drug), rather than a protection against future attacks (like a vaccine). Discovered at the turn of this millennium, siRNA-based therapeutics attracted immediate attention, but their initial success was limited due to their inherent low stability, difficulties in delivering them to desired locations, and rapid clearance from the bloodstream. However, in recent years, siRNA therapies have been boosted through chemical modifications that have increased their stability and ability to be delivered to specific locations such as tumours, and improved delivery systems such as lipid nanoparticle encasings. These improvements led to recent successes in FDA approvals of siRNA-based therapies and further <a href="https://www.rockefeller.edu/news/35461-a-new-way-to-target-the-culprit-behind-a-deadly-liver-cancer/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">promising reports of advances</a> in the treatment of diseases including a type of liver cancer. Research scientist Dr Bidyut Sarkar is the DBT-Wellcome Trust India Alliance Intermediate Fellow in the Department of Chemistry at Shiv Nadar Institute of Eminence, Delhi NCR, India. Originally published under <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Creative Commons</a> by <a href="https://360info.org/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">360info</a>™. Image credits: Shutterstock <div> <noscript data-spai="1"><img decoding="async" class="aligncenter size-full wp-image-198773" src="https://cdn.shortpixel.ai/spai/q_lossy+ret_img+to_auto/cosmosmagazine.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/12/MICROSCOPIC-TO-TELESCOPIC__Embed-graphic-720x360-1.jpg" data-spai-egr="1" width="600" alt="Buy cosmos print magazine" title="the growing promise of cancer vaccines 2"></noscript> </div>  <img id="cosmos-post-tracker" style="opacity: 0; height: 1px!important; width: 1px!important; border: 0!important; position: absolute!important; z-index: -1!important;" src="https://syndication.cosmosmagazine.com/?id=304875&title=The+growing+promise+of+cancer+vaccines" width="1" height="1" loading="lazy" aria-label="Syndication Tracker" data-spai-target="src" data-spai-orig="" data-spai-exclude="nocdn" /> </div> <div id="contributors"> <a href="https://cosmosmagazine.com/the-body/the-growing-promise-of-cancer-vaccines/">This article</a> was originally published on <a href="https://cosmosmagazine.com">Cosmos Magazine</a> and was written by <a href="https://cosmosmagazine.com/contributor/360info-2/">360info</a>. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™. </div>

Body

Becoming a landlord while still renting? ‘Rentvesting’ promises a foot on the property ladder, but watch your step

<div class="theconversation-article-body"><a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/james-graham-1264059">James Graham</a>, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-sydney-841">University of Sydney</a> As home ownership moves further out of reach for many Australians, “rentvesting” is being touted as a lifesaver. Rentvesting is the practice of renting one property to live in yourself, while simultaneously purchasing an investment property somewhere cheaper and leasing it out. Ideally, “rentvestors” get to enjoy the capital gains on an investment property while living where they actually want to live, allowing them to cash in and upsize to their dream home later. It might seem like a savvy way to game the property market. But what are the risks of such an investment strategy? And how might broad adoption of this behaviour affect housing affordability in Australia? <h2>A rising tide lifts all boats differently</h2> The aim of the rentvesting game is to buy cheap property now, ride the expected capital gains, and move into a more desirable home down the track. The hope is that by climbing the first rung of the property ladder early, the whole thing won’t be pulled up out of reach. The first problem with this strategy, however, is that capital gains on housing are not always and everywhere equal. Generally, the cheapest properties available to rentvestors will be houses in the regions or apartments in the city. But both regional housing and apartment properties <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2024-02-20/house-apartment-price-gap-widens-record-high-property-market/103484076">tend to appreciate more slowly</a> than the inner-city houses rentvestors might hope to live in one day. They might get a foot on the property ladder, but the rungs themselves are slowly drifting apart. Would-be rentvestors should also be aware that investments by “out-of-town” buyers tend to generate <a href="https://academic.oup.com/rfs/article-abstract/29/2/486/1902789">much lower returns</a> – both capital gains and rental yields – than investments by locals. Out-of-towners don’t know the local market trends, don’t know which neighbourhoods to avoid, and aren’t able to monitor their investments as effectively from afar. Avoiding the regions by investing in city apartments presents its own difficulties. Large, unexpected maintenance bills and poor strata management are <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2024-03-21/a-world-of-hidden-charges:-strata-company-insiders/103617944">common complaints</a>. <h2>Different costs lead to different returns</h2> Perhaps the potential rentvestor should invest in something more straightforward instead, like stocks. After all, the return on equities in Australia has <a href="https://academic.oup.com/qje/article/134/3/1225/5435538">outperformed housing</a> in recent decades. However, it is much easier to borrow to invest in property than it is to borrow to invest in the stock market. And leverage is the investor’s secret weapon. For example, if house prices were to appreciate at 10% per year, then using a mortgage and a A$100,000 deposit on a $1 million property would earn you a 100% return on equity before costs. But while both investors and homeowners would earn that same basic return, their costs could be very different. For starters, property investors face capital gains tax on the proceeds of property sales, <a href="https://www.ato.gov.au/individuals-and-families/investments-and-assets/capital-gains-tax/property-and-capital-gains-tax/your-main-residence-home/eligibility-for-main-residence-exemption">unlike those selling their primary residence</a>. Banks also typically charge <a href="https://www.rba.gov.au/chart-pack/interest-rates.html">higher interest rates</a> on mortgages to investors than to homeowners. At times, the Australian Prudential Regulation Authority has also imposed caps on bank lending against investment properties, making it more difficult to find mortgage financing in the first place. Highly leveraged properties require mortgage insurance, too. Investors may need to take out larger insurance policies against the properties themselves, reflecting the higher risks associated with investment properties. Then, you also have to throw in property management fees, council rates, strata management fees and regular and unexpected maintenance costs. <h2>Negative gearing offers little benefit</h2> What about negative gearing? Property investors that generate losses on their property can deduct these costs against the tax bill on their other income. But negative gearing disproportionately benefits high-income earners with large tax bills. The <a href="https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/labour/earnings-and-working-conditions/personal-income-australia/latest-release">median Australian individual income</a> is around $55,00, which generates a tax bill of about $8,000 – not a lot from which investment property losses can be deducted. The bigger picture is that while negative gearing helps defray the regular costs of managing a property, it doesn’t do anything to change expected capital gains. At the end of the spreadsheet tally, an investment property could end up earning rentvestors significantly less than they could have gained by simply buying their first home. <h2>Effects on housing affordability</h2> Rentvesting is new enough that its prevalence and influence awaits formal academic study. But economists might speculate about its implications for the housing market more broadly. The simplest analysis suggests that a rentvestor occupies one rental property while supplying an additional rental property to the market. If, instead, they had bought a home, they would vacate a rental property while removing another property from the market. In this case, even rentvesting en masse would have zero net effect on the housing market. But a more nuanced perspective might consider where rentvestors are renting and where they are investing. Perhaps they are most likely to rent properties in the already-crowded inner city, but purchase investment properties in regional areas where other first home buyers would like to live. This would increase demand for rentals in the city and reduce the supply of owner-occupier properties in the regions, worsening the affordability of both. Of course, if these rentvestors all eventually move up the property ladder – selling in the region and purchasing in the city – this effect would be reversed. From that longer-term perspective, rentvestors would ultimately have little effect. <h2>We still need more houses</h2> Rentvesting is not a panacea for Australia’s housing market woes. Potential investors should weigh the benefits of property investment against its substantial costs and risks. Additionally, they need to carefully consider the obvious alternative: simply buying their first home up-front. We have good reason to be wary of yet another get-rich-quick scheme involving the housing market. But initial considerations suggest that for the market overall, rentvestor behaviour is no worse than someone simply buying their first home, which we would otherwise encourage. Rather than criticising those seeking a way though our housing market morass, we might instead redouble our efforts to increase the supply of housing.<img style="border: none !important; box-shadow: none !important; margin: 0 !important; max-height: 1px !important; max-width: 1px !important; min-height: 1px !important; min-width: 1px !important; opacity: 0 !important; outline: none !important; padding: 0 !important;" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/229116/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" /> <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/james-graham-1264059">James Graham</a>, Lecturer in Economics, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-sydney-841">University of Sydney</a> Image credits: Getty Images This article is republished from <a href="https://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/becoming-a-landlord-while-still-renting-rentvesting-promises-a-foot-on-the-property-ladder-but-watch-your-step-229116">original article</a>. </div>

Money & Banking

Julia Morris promises "a little less shameless flirting" with new co-host

In a surprising yet thrilling development, the popular reality show I'm A Celebrity … Get Me Out of Here! has finally confirmed its new co-host for the upcoming 2024 season. Joining the charismatic Julia Morris is none other than young wildlife expert and television personality Robert Irwin. This "unlikely pairing", as they humorously describe it, has generated a buzz of excitement among fans of the show. The announcement of Irwin as the new co-host has come after months of speculation – and while some may find it an unexpected choice, given the 35-year age gap between the two hosts, it's evident that this decision was carefully considered. Morris playfully quipped about the transition, "I've become so powerful at the network I am now allowed to trade in for a younger model, and of course when you trade in, you always upgrade." Her humour and enthusiasm highlight the anticipation for this fresh partnership. Irwin's ascent to co-host might be surprising to some, but for those familiar with his impressive TV career, it makes perfect sense. Irwin has been a TV veteran since he was just nine years old, earning a Best Newcomer Logie nomination at the tender age of nine. As an animal expert, he continues the legacy of former co-host <a href="https://www.oversixty.com.au/entertainment/tv/darryl-somers-jumps-the-gun-with-major-dr-chris-brown-announcement" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Dr Chris Brown</a>. The decision to bring Robert on board became clear during their initial screen test as a duo. Julia fondly recalls, "I thought it'd be a very tricky race [to find a new co-host], but the second Robert walked through the door, there was no contest. Everybody in the room was spellbound." Irwin's undeniable charisma and competence won over everyone present. The dynamic between Morris and Irwin promises to be a refreshing change for fans who have followed the show for nine seasons. Julia herself hinted at a "different energy", while also cheekily mentioning there might be "a little less shameless flirting" than viewers were accustomed to with Dr Chris Brown. Despite the age gap, both hosts are excited about this unique collaboration. Julia humorously acknowledges, "Robert is only just a whisper older than my eldest child, so I've really got my mummy protection pants on." She also jokes about needing Robert's assistance with a zimmer frame in the distant future. Irwin is embracing this new role, acknowledging that it's a significant step in his career, considering he is just 19 years old. "I'm the first to say, this is something new for me, but that's what makes it so exciting," Irwin commented. His deep passion for wildlife and conservation, coupled with his love for Africa, promises to bring a fresh perspective to the show. The official announcement of Robert Irwin's inclusion in I'm A Celebrity … Get Me Out of Here! was made at the Channel 10 Upfronts, alongside a host of other exciting revelations for the network. Some of the highlights include the reboot of Gladiators in early 2024, a new season of Australian Survivor with a Titans vs. Rebels theme, and the return of popular shows like MasterChef, Hunted, and Amazing Race: Celebrity Edition. Additionally, Grant Denyer is set to embark on a new adventure as the host of Deal or No Deal. Images: Network Ten

First state to lock in Matilda's public holiday promise

New South Wales premier Chris Minns has backed Anthony Albanese's proposal to implement a public holiday if The Matildas win the FIFA Women's World Cup. The Prime Minister flagged the idea of a public holiday if the Australian women's team claim the victory, however, the actual decision for the day off will come down to each individual state. NSW Premier Chris Minns has thrown his support behind the idea, and has even put forward the idea of a "ticker tape parade" through the Sydney CBD. "If the Matildas win the semi-final and then win the World Cup final, then yes we will pursue a public holiday in NSW, not just to celebrate the victory but also to have a massive civic celebration and allow the Matildas to celebrate with the people of Sydney what will be an amazing, like, life-changing and unbelievable event in the state's history," Minns told 2GB's Ben Fordham on Monday morning. He said the government was currently working on "contingency plans" in the event of the Matilda's victory. Minns went on to say that any celebrations would happen the week of the winning game, and not the Monday after. Despite the surge of support for the Matildas throughout the tournament, some businesses have opposed the idea of a public holiday, saying they can't afford the expense. "If we did do it in Sydney for a big public holiday, and a massive ticker tape parade, can you imagine the kind of energy and economic excitement," Minns said. The Matildas will be taking on England in the semi-final game on Wednesday night, with the winner going into the final against either Spain or Sweden. Image credits: Getty Images

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